The estimation results on experience imply that wages peak after about 35 years of experience. Armed with this information, we can now quantify the benefits of ECD programs that are manifested in increased productivity. The first program effect we look at is increased survival. Once a child is born she will grow up to become a productive member of society. The level of her productivity will depend on her physical and cognitive development during the early years of life, as well as on the investment in basic and higher education, and on subsequent investments in human capital, through continued learning and experience.
If the child dies prematurely, her future productivity, whatever its level, is lost for society. Preliminary results from the PIDI program suggest that the mortality of those enrolled is extremely low, less than 1 percent. This contrasts with the high child mortality rate of the target population in the absence of the ECD intervention: Once children are enrolled in a safe environment where life-threatening diseases diarrhea, severe malnutrition are recognized and treated on time, children 6 months old or older have virtually a percent chance to survive past the age of 5.
Reliable information on changes in the nutritional status of enrolled children is not yet available. Possible changes in chronic malnutrition stunting may not be evident for years they may not occur until the children reach puberty. Forty percent of children who enroll in the PIDI program show stunted psycho-social development. After one year in the program this percentage is reduced to 20 percent.
After two years it is cut to five percent. If this result of tremendous progress in psycho-social development holds up under further scrutiny, it bodes well for the future chances of successful education of PIDI graduates. Before we can translate these results into monetary benefits, using the standard economics of education approach explained in the previous section, we need to translate these programs effects on nutritional status and cognitive development into expected changes in enrollment, drop out rates, repetition rates, and progression to higher levels of education.
We are fortunate to have direct observations of changes in primary enrollment, but we have to turn to the literature, or to data on the general population , to obtain estimates for improvements in school performance. Though the PIDI project is still young, the limited information available suggests that virtually all children who leave the program at the age of six enroll in primary school, up from 20 percent in the absence of the program. Glewwe and Jacoby, or Del Rosso and Marke, Given favorable outcomes on nutrition and school preparedness or psycho-social development , one would expect improvements in school performance, which are reflected in reduced drop-out and repetition rates and increased progression to higher levels of education.
Due to lack of more detailed information, we will assume that PIDI graduates, once they are enrolled in primary school, will perform at the same level as the national average. Table 9 summarizes the relevant social indicators of the target group, with and without the PIDI program. Social Indicators of the Target Group,. This first scenario can be thought of as the result of a very narrow targeting effort that reaches the most deprived segments of society.
We add to this an alternative Scenario II , representing a part of society which already enjoys modestly favorable social indicators. The effects of the ECD intervention are therefore less dramatic than in the first scenario. We assume that the infant mortality rate and the primary enrollment rate can be improved to the national averages while progression to higher levels of schooling improves modestly. Results from both scenarios will give us a range for the benefit-cost ratios. We first estimate the net present value of the education system as it currently functions for the target group, that is with 20 percent primary enrollment, 35 percent drop-out, 10 percent repetition, and no progression to higher levels of education.
The 20 percent of children who do enroll have a higher level of productivity during their active lifetime than they would have had without this education. We use the age-earnings function to estimate this increase in productivity. We calculate the present value of this increase by discounting it at an annual rate of 7 percent. After subtracting the cost of education, 25 we obtain the net present value of the current education system. Next we reduce the under-5 mortality from to 10 per This adds productive people to the cohort, of whom 20 percent will increase their basic productivity by enrolling in primary education.
Table 10 row A. Given the relatively cheap measures that are available to prevent the premature death of a child e. Increase in Net Present Value of Productivity due to. Row B of the table shows the net benefits from increased enrollment without increased survival. In the next rows we first combine the programs impact on survival and enrollment row C.
We then add a reduction in drop-out and repetition rates, from. Subsequently we increase progression rates for the target group to post-primary levels of education, from zero to the national averages row E. In other words, the net present value of the productivity related benefits of the PIDI program, exceeds the initial investment by percent.
As expected, the overall impact in this scenario is less than in the first relatively extreme case. Thus, solely on the basis of benefits that result from increased future productivity, the benefit-cost ratio of the PIDI program lies between 1. Thus far, we looked only at direct program benefits such as food received and benefits that emerge through increased education.
Of the latter, we looked at the effect of education on future productivity only. In this section we will look at one additional benefit that result from improved education: We assume that because of the ECD program, girls will enjoy six years education, instead of not enrolling in school at all. As a result of this, fertility could drop by 30 to 60 percent. It may seem contradictory to count both a death averted reduced IMR and a birth averted as program benefits, but it is not.
At the same time, once a child is born, it is beneficial for society to help her grow up and become a productive citizen. Both the increased levels of productivity and the lower number of births are benefits that result from ECD programs. Table 12 shows a breakdown of these costs, by service delivery category and administrative overhead. We estimate that the very high level of administrative costs will go down significantly once enrollment rates increase from about 15, children today to 30, or , In addition to the direct costs, we need to account for the costs associated with the financing of the program.
If all costs would be recovered by charging user fees private payments by the beneficiaries , the financing costs would be minimal. Following Devarajan et al, , we could obtain an estimate of the "marginal costs of public funds" from the economic literature. Based on a study for the U. Unfortunately, estimates of these fiscal costs are relatively scarce and vary widely, by country and by type of tax.
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Diewert and Lawrence , for instance, estimate that is costs 18 cents to raise one dollar of labor taxes in New Zealand, while Ahmad and Stern estimate the marginal costs of an extra sales-tax dollar in India to be as high as 85 cents. Therefore, unless estimates of the fiscal costs of a specific tax are available for the country under study, this brand of economic literature provides little practical guidance.
There is another way of looking at the potential fiscal impact of a publicly funded ECD program or, indeed, any other publicly funded program. Using the ESF multiplier result, we find that this could cause a 0. This, in turn, could result in a 1. In this case, the fiscal costs relative to the benefits, at least in terms of "increased poverty", appears to be modest.
The Benefits of Early Child Development Program: An Economic Analysis
Still, the example shows the importance of checking the growth implications of even the most attractive of anti-poverty programs. All evidence shows that economic growth is the best way to reduce long-term poverty. While reducing poverty through providing direct program benefits to the poor, one should be cautious that overall poverty may go up due to adverse effects on economic growth.
For publicly funded programs, these adverse effects result from the fiscal costs of raising the revenues. Finally, we should mention another, simpler, way of taking into account the fiscal impact of the program. If increasing the fiscal burden is ruled out because of the possible adverse impact on economic growth, resources for the program need to be found within the current budget. This underscores that ECD programs need to compete for public money with other government programs, in most cases on the basis of benefit-cost ratio comparisons.
The high benefit-cost ratio of ECD see below is likely to make it a tough competitor in the struggle for scarce resources. On the basis of the results presented above, we are now able to calculate benefit-cost ratios for the Bolivian PIDI Program. We use the productivity gains as discussed for Scenarios I and II. We add the benefits to the family of direct services, as well as the benefits to society of reduced future fertility We are unable to quantify many of the numerous benefits listed in Tables 5 and 6.
The benefit-cost ratios are presented in Table To put these numbers in perspective, we present in Table 14 benefit-cost 36 ratios for different projects. Clearly, the value of the investment in the PIDI program compares favorably with those in the so-called "hard" sectors. Benefit-Cost Ratios for Selected Projects. Appraisal of the Irrigation Systems Improvement Project: What does a high benefit-cost ratio for ECD tell us about the role of the government in the financing of such programs? The unambiguous answer is: If the benefit-cost ratio is low, in particular if it is less than one, no-one in the private sector or in the government should invest in the project.
In this sense the benefit-cost ratio does have a value for public policy, but only after the decision has been made that government financing, in whole or in part, is justifiable. This latter issue, "should the government get involved", depends on arguments other than the benefit-cost ratio. Two of these arguments will be discussed here: As we showed in Table 10, the beneficiaries include the child, her mother and other family members, the neighborhood, and society as a whole. In the example presented in section 4, a large share of the benefits that we were able to quantify in monetary terms accrue to the child and her family.
Society as a whole is better off because of these benefits. If one defines social welfare as the summation over the entire population of individual welfare, social welfare goes up if one individual or family gains in welfare. This is the case here: But the important observation is that the benefits accrue to the individual. They are private benefits. Other benefits accrue not to the individual, but to her environment, be it the neighborhood e.
Unfortunately, as we have seen above, it is usually very hard to quantify these public benefits. And it is exactly the magnitude of these public benefits, relative to the private ones, that is important in the decision of whether the government should finance or subsidize ECD programs and by how much. Strictly speaking, failure to quantify the public benefits leaves us empty handed when it comes to the important decision regarding the proper role of the government in program financing. All we can say is that there are benefits to society "externalities" from having a healthier, longer living, better nourished, literate, and higher educated population.
Hence society "the government" should be willing to use some public resources to promote these outcomes. However, it is virtually impossible to put a dollar value on these benefits, and hence on the amount of subsidies that are justified on the basis of these "externalities" arguments. Fortunately, there is another set of arguments that, while not decisive, can guide public policy.
It regards the role of the government in providing a "level playing field " for all its citizens. There are solid economic reasons for society to want to reduce poverty. For example, if poverty breeds crime and violence, the non-poor have a good reason to reduce poverty. Or, to take an example from the international development community, if poor countries start to grow, international trade will flourish and all countries - including the rich - will benefit.
Indeed, many advocates of social welfare programs or international aid will use these "selfish" reasons to argue their cause. Many countries, and the international development society as a whole, have taken the reduction of poverty as a major, sometimes the overarching, social objective, either because of these "selfish" reasons, or based on more altruistic motives. Either way, when societies put a large social value on reducing poverty or on "reducing inequality" or "promoting social justice" the social value of programs and policies that foster these outcomes should be considered as "benefits".
It will always be contentious to put a dollar value on these benefits, but it would be wrong to ignore them. At a minimum we could ask how much society or "politicians" are willing to pay for the positive impact on the distribution of welfare that is likely to result from alternative policies or programs. ECD programs are a powerful tool in breaking the inter-generational cycle of poverty. As we have shown in section 4, under the right conditions ECD programs also have significant economic benefits, especially for the children of the poor. But the poor, almost by definition, are unable to pay for the considerable costs of ECD programs.
How can society justify providing or subsidizing ECD programs for those segments of society that are likely to benefit the most? This is not the place to elaborate on what constitutes a "just society" see, for example, Rawls, , Dasgupta, especially chapter , Sen, However, a minimal notion of what constitutes "social justice" would exclude any state in which some groups of children are deprived of having a reasonable chance to live a productive life, just because they are born in poverty.
Even societies that are unable, or unwilling, to provide a "level playing field" across the board, may want to put policies in place that allow all who have reasonable talents, and are willing to use them, a chance to enjoy a least minimum level of well-being. Malnutrition during the early ages, excess disease, exposure to unsafe environments and lack of stimulation, damage children for the rest of their lives.
The resulting lack of schooling or inability to learn traps them into poverty for the rest of their lives. ECD programs aim at preventing this damage and avoiding this trap.
Stepping Up Early Childhood Development : Investing in Young Children for High Returns
As such, if properly targeted, they deserve a place among the public policies that governments want to put in place to constitute a just society. Investments in the health and nutritional status of young children, and in their cognitive development, have multiple benefits.
They range from the direct reduction in the number of children who suffer from ill health, to enjoying more productive lives as adults, to societal benefits such as reduced crime rates. In this paper we have tried to list all benefits of ECD-programs in a systematic way and quantify them in dollar terms where feasible. In general, ECD programs are expensive. Moreover, ECD investments trigger further investments in human capital, thus increasing the total cost of the program. This ratio is highest for interventions that target population groups whose social indicators show severe deprivation high infant mortality rates, high malnutrition rates, low school enrollment, poor school performance, etc.
The combined impact of integrated ECD-programs result in a large increase in the accumulation of human capital. Because of this, ECD-programs as an investment compare favourable, in terms of economic rate of return alone, with investments in the so-called "hard" sectors.
Whether governments should invest in ECD is a different question. The externality arguments in favor of public financing, are very similar to those for education in general. We have argued that a strong case in favor of public financing or subsidizing of ECD-programs can be made on the basis of a minimalistic sense of "societal justice". ECD programs are likely to be most beneficial for children who grow up in the poorest households - the same households who cannot afford to pay for ECD services.
Since a large part of the benefits of ECD are private benefits, it seems reasonable to expect better-off parents to contribute to the cost of this investment in the future of their children. Societies cannot prosper if their children suffer. ECD programs are a sound investment in the well-being of children and in the future of societies.
By breaking the inter-generational cycle of deprivation, ECD-programs are a powerful tool to obtain the ultimate objective of development: Patrinos and Psacharopoulos, Since then, the evidence on the effect of education on these outcomes has been greatly strengthened see, for instance, Glewwe, The danger is that aggregation may obscure considerable variation within countries Hence, examining aggregated relationships between education and fertility may mislead policy-makers, who wold be better informed by reviewing individual-level studies.
Furthermore, for lack of data, we will assume for the target group, the same dropout and repitition rates in primary school as for the population as a whole. Very few citizens in the developing world take more from society than they contribute. Most grow up capable of taking care of themselves and their families, even if that means a subsistence level of well being.
Those with a productivity below subsistence will simply die in the absence of adequate safety nets. However, some citizens may get involved in activities that may have significant negative externalities for society. Illegal drug cultivation, violent crimes and environmental degradation are examples.
To the extent that ECD programs directly or indirectly can help reduce such activities in the future, one should count this as additional benefits of the program. A detailed description of this program and its use is given in Annex II. Thus the benefit-cost ratio is about 1. See, for instance, Chapter 9 in LLC, Based on the lower estimate, the number of urban poor about 35 percent of the population, or 1.
Current enrollment is just 5 percent of this. See Gittinger, and Will the project under consideration result in a net benefit to the economy? This is an important question. But the answer to this question says nothing about whether the project ought to be in the public or private sector. The Importance of Indoctrination. Handbook of Development Economics. The Economics of Education. Currie, Janet, and Duncan Thomas. World Bank, Washington, D. Mathematica Policy Research, Inc. Individual and Social Responsibility: Private Sectors in Higher Education. In America, the number of obese children is rapidly increasing.
Childhood obesity is caused by a variety of factors. The main causes of childhood obesity are "lifestyle issues-too little activity and too many calories. In order for a child to develop successfully, he or she must grow up in a positive environment with good health and academics. If a child becomes obese, there will be consequences such as: These issues of childhood obesity can be slowed, if society focuses on the causes. If parents enforce a healthy lifestyle at home with physical activity and proper dieting, many issues with obesity could be avoided.
Cognitive development is related to childhood exposure to violence and trauma, including spousal abuse between the parents and sexual abuse. When a child is unable to meet their developmental goals, because they have not been provided with the correct amount of care, stimulation or nutrition this situation is commonly referred to as child neglect. It is the most widespread form of child abuse. Scientific Studies show that exposure to child neglect can have lifelong consequences for children.
Assessing and identifying neglect pose a number of challenges for practitioners. Given that neglect is a dynamic between the child's development and levels of nurturance, the question in identifying neglect, becomes one of where do you start, with the child's development or with the levels of nurturance? Some professionals identify neglect by measuring the developmental levels of a child, for if those developmental levels are normal, one can, by definition, conclude that a child is not being neglected.
All these features go up to make a medical assessment of whether a child is thriving, so that a professional looking to start an assessment of neglect, might reasonably start with information collected by a doctor. Infants are often weighed and measured when seen by their physicians for well-baby check-ups.
The physician initiates a more complete evaluation when the infant's development and functioning are found to be delayed. What this suggests is that social work staff could consult medical notes to establish if the baby or child is failing to thrive, as a first step in a pathway towards identifying neglect. If developmental levels are subnormal, then the identification of neglect then requires the professional establish if those subnormal levels of development can be put down to the level of nurturance experienced by the child.
Investing in Young Children: An Early Win
One needs to discount that the developmental delay was caused by some genetic condition or disease, which do not have their basis in a lack of nurturance. Another way of starting a process for identifying neglect is to identify if the child in question is experiencing a level of nurturance lower than that considered necessary to support normal development.
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Furthermore, ascertaining whether a child is getting the requisite level of nurturance needs to take into account not just the intensity of the nurturance, but also, given that the intensity of certain forms of nurturance can vary across time, the duration and frequency of the nurturance. It is acceptable for a child to experience varying and low levels of certain types of nurturance across a day and from time to time, however, the levels of nurturance should never cross thresholds of intensity, duration and frequency.
For this reason, professionals are minded to keep detailed histories of care provision, which demonstrate the duration to which the child is exposed to periods of subnormal exposure to care, stimulation, and nutrition. It is most common for guidance to suggest professionals should focus on the levels of nurturance provided by the carers of the child, where neglect is understood as an issue of the parents' behaviour towards the child.
This raises the question about what level of nurturance, a carer or parent needs to fall under, to provoke developmental delay, and how one goes about measuring that accurately. The method, which focuses on the stimulation provided by the carer, can be subject to critique. Neglect may be occurring at school, outside of parental care. The child may be receiving nurturance from siblings or through a boarding school education, which compensates for the lack of nurturance provided by the parents. Neglect is a process whereby children experience developmental delay owing to experiencing insufficient levels of nurturance.
It has been argued that in principle, this means that when starting an assessment of neglect by identifying developmental delay one needs to then check the levels of nurturance received by the child. Certainly, where guidance on identifying neglect does urge for practitioners to measure developmental levels, some guidance urges practitioners to focus on how developmental levels can be attributed to parental behaviour.
If one starts by concluding that the levels of nurture received by the child are insufficient, one then needs to consider the developmental levels achieved by the child. Further challenges arise, however. Even when one has established developmental delay and exposure to low levels of nurture, one needs to rule out the possibility that the link between the two is coincidental.
The developmental delay may be caused by a genetic disorder, disease or physical, sexual or emotional abuse. Of course, the developmental delay may be caused by a mixture of underexposure to nurture, abuse, genetics and disease. It was developed in the UK. The North Carolina Family Assessment Scale is a tool which can be used by a practitioner to explore whether neglect is taking place across a range of family functioning areas.
Early intervention programs and treatments in developed countries include individual counselling, family, group counselling and social support services, behavioural skills training programs to eliminate problematic behaviour and teach parents "appropriate" parenting behaviour. Video interaction guidance is a video feedback intervention through which a "guider" helps a client to enhance communication within relationships. The client is guided to analyse and reflect on video clips of their own interactions.
The SafeCare programme is a preventative programme working with parents of children under 6 years old who are at risk of experiencing significant harm through neglect. The programme is delivered in the home by trained practitioners, over 18 to 20 sessions and focuses on 3 key areas: Triple P Parenting Program is a positive parenting program. It is a multilevel, parenting and family support strategy. The idea behind it is that if parents are educated on "proper" parenting and given the appropriate resources, it could help decrease the amount of child neglect cases.
When deciding whether to leave a child home alone, caregivers need to consider the child's physical, mental, and emotional well-being, as well as state laws and policies regarding this issue. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Child development disambiguation. Jean Piaget and Piaget's theory of cognitive development. Lev Vygotsky and Cultural-historical psychology. Erik Erikson and Psychosocial development. Behavior analysis of child development.
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. Attachment theory Autism Birth order Child development stages Child life specialist Child prodigy Clinical social work Critical period Developmental psychology Developmental psychobiology Developmental psychopathology Early childhood education Evolutionary developmental psychology Pedagogy Play Child development in Africa.
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