This is the eloquent symbol of the pacificatory and civilizing goal which Trajan in all sincerity set himself in his conquests. It throws light on the thought which dominated his ambitions and led him, while deprecating violence and injustice, to seek by all means to find spiritual justification for the imperialism of Rome. The inauguration of his Forum completed the renovation of the city which Trajan had undertaken in order to make the Urbs worthy of his hegemony and to bring relief to a population crushed by its own increasing numbers.
With this in mind he had enlarged the circus, excavated a naumachia, canalized the Tiber, drawn off new aqueducts, built the largest public baths that Rome had ever seen, and subjected private building enterprise to rigorous and far-sighted control. These works of Trajan can, in fact, be fully understood only when we keep in mind the multitudes whose lot they alleviated and whose presence still haunts their ruins. We have other irrefutable evidence of their having existed, but even without that the works of Trajan alone would prove it.
The Precincts of Rome and the City's True Extent No question has been more frequently discussed than the population of the capital of the Roman Empire, nor is there any whose solution is more urgent for the historian - especially if it is true, as the Berber sociologist Ibn Khaldun contended, that the level of a civilization can be in some degree estimated by the size and growth of its cities, an inevitable consequence of the development of human society.
But there is no question which has provoked more polemics or given rise to more contradictory opinions. Since Renaissance days the scholars who have approached the problem have always been divided into two hostile camps. Some, hypnotized by the object of their study, are over-ready to ascribe to their beloved antiquity, which they dream of as an Age of Gold, the same range and vitality that the modern world owes to the progress of science.
Justus Lipsius, for instance, among others, estimates the population of ancient Rome at about four millions. They dismiss all indications, however explicit, given by ancient writers, and base their conclusions solely on a consideration of the terrain. They accept only one basis of calculation: They consequently decide that Imperial Rome, which they hold to have been exactly delimited by the Aurelian Wall and to have very nearly coincided with the area of the present-day Rome they have visited, cannot have sheltered a population much larger than the present.
At first sight this argument might appear convincing. In the first place this method makes the mistake of ignoring the elasticity of space or, more exactly, the compressibility of man. Dureau reached his figures by applying to the space enclosed by the Aurelian Wall the population density of Paris under Louis Philippe, say 60 persons to the acre. If he had been writing seventy-five years later, when the density of Paris had reached persons to the acre, as it did in , his result would have been nearly three times as large.
Ferdinand Lot fell into the same petitio principii when he overhastily ascribed to the Rome of Aurelian the population density of the Rome of , and estimated its inhabitants at ,ooo. In both these cases it is not the population which Rome actually housed in former times that is computed, but the population which might have been contained within the space of ancient Rome, reckoned by the density of population at the time of the writer, a choice which is purely accidental and arbitrary.
The Aurelian Wall, which is supposed to have formed its perimeter, no more represented the absolute limit of Imperial Rome than the pomerium, falsely ascribed to Servius Tullius, had earlier sufficed to circumscribe the Rome of the republic. This point demands some explanation. Like all the Greek and Latin cities of antiquity, ancient Rome, from the dawn of her legend to the end of her history, had always consisted of two inseparable elements, a sharply defined urban agglomeration Urbs Roma and the rural territory attached to it Ager Romanus. The Urbs proper was the home of the gods and their sanctuaries, of the king, and later of the magistrates who were heirs to his dismembered power, of the Senate and the comitia who, in cooperation first with the king and later with the magistrates, governed the City-State.
Thus in its origins the city represented something greater and different from a more or less closely packed aggregate of dwelling houses: The share had been duly lifted over the spots where one day the city gates would stand, and the clods of earth thrown up in its passage had been scrupulously lifted and thrown within the circuit. From the pomerium the Urbs derived its name, its original definition, and its supernatural protection, assured by the taboos which preserved its soil alike from the defilement of foreign cults, the threat of armed levies, and the interment of the dead.
It remained a spiritual symbol, but its practical functions had been usurped by a concrete reality the Great Wall, which false tradition ascribed to King Servius Tullius but which was in fact built by order of the republican Senate between and B. From the third century B. The northern Aventine had been included from the first, the southern when the consuls of 87 prolonged the wall to strengthen the city against the attack of Cinna. In all, it is reckoned that the wall enclosed r6 square miles, a trifling area compared to the 27 square miles of modern Paris, but large beside the acres of ancient Capua, the of Caere, and the 80 with which Praeneste had to be content.
The calculation of the ground area of the Urbs gives no certain clue to the number of its inhabitants. When Caesar removed to a Roman mile beyond the walls the boundary marks assigned to Rome in accordance with the posthumous law preserved to us by the Table of Heraclea,20 he merely gave legal recognition to a state of affairs which no doubt went back to the second century B. Augustus in his turn only pursued and amplified the innovation initiated by his adoptive father, when in 7 B.
And Rome, now freed thanks to her glory and to her annexations - from all anxiety about her own security, proceeded to burst her bonds on every side. If five of the fourteen regions of Augustus were contained within the ancient circuit of the city, five others lay partly within and partly without, while the remaining four were completely outside: As if to emphasize the emperor's intentions, popular usage presently gave the first of these the name of Porta Capena, and the gate which had originally been a point on the circumference now came to occupy the centre.
Within this framework we must reconstruct the city of this period for ourselves. It is not possible to submit these regions to exact measurement, and it would be a grave error to identify them with those still marked by the brick wall with which Aurelian sought to protect the capital of the empire against the approach of the barbarians, and which, from A. These latter have been made the subject of an admirable study by M. Far from feeling bound by the configuration of the entire city, Aurelian's engineers gave their attention to linking together the main strategic points and to utilizing as far as possible such earlier constructions, like the aqueducts, as could more or less easily be incorporated in their system.
From the Pincian to the Salarian Gate in the seventh region, the toll-post marks cippi have been discovered as far as a hundred metres beyond the wall. In view of these facts, there can be no question of assuming that the fourteen regions which constituted Imperial Rome were confined within the area surrounded by the Aurelian Wall.
The Growth of the City's Population Available records bear convincing witness to the growth of the Roman population. It progressively increased from the time of Sulla till the principate, and was further accelerated under the prosperous government of the Antonines. To convince ourselves of this, we need only collate two sets of statistics, separated by an interval of three centuries, which have by a fortunate accident been preserved. They give a census of the vici of Rome, that is, the quarters within the fourteen regions separated from each other by the streets which bounded them.
So we find that between A. We have, it is true, no direct evidence of this, but may unhesitatingly deduce it from the increase in the charges for public assistance to the Roman plebs. In the times of Caesar and Augustus, Annona, the mythological personification of the year's food supplies, had on her hands only , poor to whom she distributed free grain. First of all it proves - what might a priori have been assumed - that the increase of population had gone hand in hand with the geographical extension of the fourteen regions. The second thing it indicates might also have been taken for granted because of the consolidation of the Pax Romana during the second half of the second century: Now from the beginning of thefirstcentury B.
As I have pointed out elsewhere, the outbreak of the Social War in 91 B. Saint Jerome records in his Chronicle the result of this census, of , souls, made without regard to sex, age, status, or nationality: The available data combine to force us to conclude that the inhabitants of Rome must have reached nearly a million. First, we note the quantity of grain which the Annona had to store each year for the support of the population: Secondly, we have Augustus' own declaration in his Res Gestae that when he was invested for the twenty-second time with the trihunicia potestas and for the twelfth time with the consular dignity, that is to say, in the year 5 B.
It excluded, therefore, all women and girls and all boys under eleven. Taking the average proportion established in our time by the actuaries between men, women, and children, this yields a Roman population of at least , cives. To this we must add a garrison of 12, men who lived in Rome but did not partake in the congiaria, the host of non-citizens peregrini , and another item, more important than either, the slaves.
The words of Augustus himself thus lead us to calculate the total population of Rome at close to a million, if indeed it did not exceed that figure. Lastly, we have the statistics included in the Regionaries of the fourth century A. These compel us to assess still higher the figure for the second century, a time when, as we have seen, the population of Rome vigorously increased. Adding up, region by region, the dwelling-houses of the Urbs as catalogued in the Notitia, we get the two totals: It is safe to assume that the discrepancy between these documents is due to the muddle-hcadedness of the copyist of the Notitia, who appears to have dozed over the detailed enumerations which he had to transcribe.
In the course of his uncongenial task he frequently mangled or omitted items before his eyes, or simply duplicated them, as when he attributed the same number of domus to the tenth and eleventh regions and the same number of insulae to both the third and fourth and the twelfth and thirteenth regions. In France, especially, M. They hold, therefore, that the two figures overlap. Taking an average of five persons per 'flat', they dogmatically apply it to the 46, insulae of the Notitia, and on this basis estimate the total population of the Urbs as , Their arithmetical calculations are, however, vitiated from the start by the evident falsity of their interpretation of the Latin words.
To a Latin scholar the word domus, whose etymology implies a hereditary property, means a private house which is undivided and in which there live only the owner and his family; while the insula, as its name vividly suggests, is a large isolated building, an interest-bearing piece of real estate, a 'block' subdivided into a number of flats or cenacula, each of which houses a tenant or a family of tenants.
Examples of these usages could be indefinitely multiplied: Suetonius recalls Caesar's order laying the duty of filling up the census forms on the owners of insulae: Uncendium trecentas quadraginta insulas vel domus absumpsit'" In all these texts the insula never appears as an autonomous building. It is an architectural unit, but not a unit of dwelling. We are therefore not justified in dividing the 46, insulae among the 1, domus of our statistics. They must on the contrary be added together; and to estimate the inhabitants of the insulae, we must multiply not only by the average dwellers in a cenaculum but also by the number of cenacula orflatsin each insula.
The total of , inhabitants at which MM. Cuq and Lot arrived by their wrong conception of the insula is less even than the total of adult male citizens alone who enjoyed the generosity of Augustus. The discrepancy is so obviously ludicrous that it suffices to condemn their theory. Are we then, in natural reaction against this sort of calculation, to reckon about 25 cenacula to each insula, which would result in the Notitia from the ratio between the 1, domus defined as so many insulae, and the 46, insulae defined as so many cenacula?
This would be to fall into an error of exaggeration as reprehensible as the opposite. When we study the various types of Roman house in the following chapter, we shall soon be convinced that the average insula contained five or six cenacula or flats, each of which housed at least five or six occupants. We are hence obliged to conclude, from the evidence of the Regionaries of the fourth century, that in the second century when the growth of Rome was probably completed, or at any rate her population had greatly increased the city had 50, citizens, bond or free, living in at last 1, domus, and a further population, which must have varied between 1,, and 1,,, in its 46, apartment blocks.
The capital of the empire must have suffered all the distresses of over-population which we experience, but in a far worse degree. We must subtract the numerous zones where public buildings, sanctuaries, basilicas, docks, baths, circuses, and theatres were in the hands of public authorities, who permitted only a handful of persons to live in them, such as porters, bonders, clerks, beadles, public slaves, or members of certain privileged corporations. We must exclude the capricious bed of the Tiber and the forty or so parks and gardens which stretched along the Esquiline, the Pincian, and both banks of the river; the Palatine Hill, which was reserved exclusively for the emperor's enjoyment; and finally the Campus Martius, whose temples, porticos, palestrae, ustrinae, and tombs covered more than two hundred hectares, from most of which all human habitations were banished in deference to the gods.
Now we must remember that the ancient Romans had no access to the almost unlimited suburban space which overground and underground transport puts at the disposal of London, Paris, and New York. They were driven to compensate for this lack of room by two contradictory expedients: Imperial Rome was continually forced to juxtapose her splendid monuments to an incoherent confusion of dwelling-houses at once pretentious and uncomfortable, fragile and inordinately large, separated by a network of gloomy, narrow alleys. Today, on the other hand, no trained archaeologist would dream of applying this summary and completely illusory method.
Certainly it may safely be admitted that the mansion known as the House of Livia on the Palatine,8 and the House of the Gamala at Ostia, which later passed into the hands of a certain Apuleius,9 had kinship with the country houses of Herculaneum and Pompeii; and it may at a pinch be assumed that the private mansions of the wealthy, the domus which are noted in the Regionaries, frequently borrowed the same features. But the Regionaries give the city only 1, domus against 46, insulae; that is to say, only one private house for every 26 blocks of apartment houses. Paradoxical as it may seem at first sight, there is certainly a much closer analogy between the insula of Imperial Rome and the humble casa of contemporary Rome than between the insula and the domus of Pompeian type.
The Roman domus turned a blind, unbroken wall to the street and all its doors and windows opened on its interior courts. The insula, on the other hand, opened always to the outside and when it formed a quadrilateral around a central courtyard, its doors, windows, and staircases opened both to the outside and to the inside.
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The domus was composed of halls whose proportions were calculated once for all and dictated by custom in advance. These halls opened off each other in an invariable order: The insula combined a number of cenacula, that is to say, distinct and separate dwellings like our 'flats' or 'apartments', consisting of rooms not assigned in advance to any particular function. The plan of each storey was apt to be identical with that above and below, the rooms being superimposed from top to bottom of the building.
The domus, influenced by Hellenistic architecture, spread horizontally, while the insula, begotten probably in the course of the fourth century B. In contrast to the Pompeian domus, the Roman insula grew steadily in stature until under the Empire it reached a dizzy height. As early as the third century B.
Cicero's Rome was, as it were, borne aloft and suspended in the air on the tiers of its apartment houses: Proofs abound to show that during the empire period the buildings attained a height which for that epoch was almost incredible. In describing Tyre at the beginning of the Christian Era, Strabo notes with surprise that the houses of this famous oriental seaport were almost higher than those of Imperial Rome. It must have been erected a century and a half before, for at the beginning of the reign of Septimius Severus its fame had already spread across the seas.
Even if this particular building remained an exception, an unusually monstrous specimen, we know from the records that all around it rose buildings of five and six storeys. Martial was fortunate in having to climb only to the third floor of his quarters on the Quirinal, for many other tenants of the house were worse lodged. In the more luxurious, the ground floor or most of it was let as a whole to one tenant. This floor had the prestige and the advantages of a private house and was often dignified by the name of domus in contrast to the flats or cenacula of the upper storeys.
Above the tabemae lowlier folk were herded. Each represented the storehouse of some merchant, the workshop of some artisan, or the counter and show-window of some retailer. But in the corner of each taberna there was nearly always a stair of five or six steps of stone or brick continued by a wooden ladder. The ladder led to a sloping loft, lit directly by one long oblong window pierced above the centre of the doorway, which served as the lodging of the storekeeper, the caretakers of the shop, or the workshop hands.
Perhaps on the whole they were even worse provided for. Certainly they frequently found genuine difficulty in meeting their obligations. To bring pressure to bear on a defaulter, the landlord might 'shut up the tenant' pereludere inquilinum , that is, make a lien on his property to cover the amount due. The two types might be found side by side, and they obeyed the same rules in the internal arrangement and external appearance of their upper storeys.
Let us for a moment consider the Rome of our own day. It is true that in the course of the last sixty years, and particularly since the parcelling out of the Villa Ludovisi, Rome has seen the separate development of'aristocratic quarters'. But prior to that, an equalitarian instinct had always tended to place the most stately dwellings and the humblest side by side; and even today the stranger is sometimes surprised to turn from a street swarming with the poorest of the poor and find himself face to face with the majesty of a Palazzo Farnese.
Haughty Pompey did not consider it beneath his dignity to remain faithful to the Carinae. Hypersensitive people, anxious to escape the mob, were driven to move to a greater and greater distance, to take refuge on the fringes of the Campagna among the pines of the Pincian or the Janiculum, where they could find room for the parks of their suburban villas.
The Regionaries record the number of insulae or apartment blocks in each region, and the number of vici or arteries serving the insulae; and separate averages may be obtained for the eight regions of the old city and the six regions of the new. The average for the older regions is 2, insulae with 17 vici and for the newer 3, insulae with 28 vici.
The Regionaries also locate for us the insula of Felicula, the giant skyscraper in the ninth region, known as the region of the Circus Flaminius, in the very heart of the new city. Isolated soundings lead us to the same conclusion as do mass statistics: Seen from the outside, all these monumental blocks of flats were more or less identical in appearance and presented a fairly uniform facade to the street. Piled storey upon storey, the large-bayed cenacula were superimposed one above the other; the first steps of their stone staircases cut through the line of the tabemae or the walls of the domus.
Reduced to its governing essentials, the plan of these buildings is familiar. They might well be urban houses of today or yesterday. From a study of the best preserved of their ruins, the most competent experts have been able to reproduce on paper the original plan and elevation; and these drawings show such startling analogies with the buildings in which we ourselves live that at first sight we are tempted to mistrust them. A more attentive examination, however, bears witness to the conscientious accuracy of these reconstructions.
By this means he has demonstrated a surprising resemblance - at moments approaching identity between these plans, separated in time by so many centuries. Its doorways and its windows were no less numerous and often larger. Its row of shops was usually protected and screened with the line of a portico. In the wider streets its storeys were relieved by a picturesque variety either of loggias pergulae resting on the porticos or of balconies maeniana. Climbing plants clung round the pillars of the loggias and the railing of the balconies, while most of the windows boasted miniature gardens formed of pots of flowers such as the elder Pliny has described.
Unfortunately for this insula, the most luxurious of those to which archaeology has so far introduced us, its external appearance belied its comforts. The architects had indeed neglected nothing in its outward embellishment. To these it owes the name by which learned Italians call it, Casa dei Dipinti, the House of Paintings. I dare not assert that it was equipped with kquearia enamelled on movable plaques of arbor vitae or carved ivory, such as wealthy upstarts like Trimalchio fixed above their diningtables and worked by machinery to rain down flowers or perfume or tiny valuable gifts on their surprised and delighted guests,8i but it is not improbable that the ceilings of the rooms were covered with the gilded stucco which the elder Pliny's contemporaries admired.
Archaic Aspects of the Roman House These lofty buildings were far too lightly built. While the domus of Pompeii easily covered to square metres, the insulae of Ostia, though built according to the specifications which Hadrian laid down, were rarely granted such extensive foundations. As for the Roman insulae, the ground plans recoverable from the cadastral survey of Septimius Severus, who reproduced them, show that they usually varied between and square metres. We need only consider the ratio of the two figures given to feel the danger inherent in their disproportion.
The lofty Roman buildings possessed no base corresponding to their height and a collapse was all the more to be feared since the builders, lured by greed of gain, tended to economize more and more at the expense of the strength of the masonry and' quality of the materials. The elegance he so admired had been attained only at the sacrifice of solidity. We may recall the savage and gloomy tirade of Juvenal: But here we inhabit a city propped up for the most part by slats: Suppose, for instance, that the owner of an insula has leased it for a sum of 30, sesterces to a principal tenant who by means of sub-letting draws from it a revenue of 40, sesterces, and that the owner presently, on the pretext that the building is about to collapse, decides to demolish it; the principal tenant is entided to bring an action for damages.
If the building was demolished of necessity, die plaintiff will be entitled to the refund of his rent and nodiing further.
The terms in which it is couched leave no doubt as to the frequency of the practices of which it speaks, and they indicate that the houses of Imperial Rome were at least as fragile as the old American tenements which not so long ago collapsed or had to be demolished in New York. The Roman houses, moreover, caught fire as frequently as the houses of Stamboul under the Sultans. This was because, in the first place, they were unsubstantial; further, the weight of their floors involved the introduction of massive wooden beams, and the movable stoves which heated them, the candles, the smoky lamps, and the torches which lighted them at night involved perpetual risk of fire; and finally, as we shall see, water was issued to the various storeys with grudging hand.
All these reasons combined to increase both the number of fires and the rapidity with which they spread. The wealthy Crassus in the last century of the republic devised a scheme for increasing his immense fortune by exploiting these catastrophes. Then he would offer to buy on the spot - at a sum far below its real value - the parcel of ground, now nothing but a mass of smouldering ruins.
Thereupon, employing one of the teams of builders whose training he had himself superintended, he erected a brand new insula, the income from which amply rewarded him for his capital outlay. Even later, under the empire, after Augustus had created a corps of vigiles or fire-fighting night watchmen, the tactics of Crassus would have been no less successful. The rich man trembled for his mansion, and in his anxiety kept a troop of slaves to guard his yellow amber, his bronzes, his pillars of Phrygian marble, his tortoise-shell inlays. The jurists echo his satires, and Ulpian informs us that not a day passed in Imperial Rome without several outbreaks of fire: Apart from their statues of marble and bronze, their furniture, however, was sparse enough, for wealth displayed itself not in the number of items but in their quality, the precious materials cmployed, and the rare shapes which bore witness to their owner's taste.
In the passage of Juvenal quoted above,61 the millionaire he pictures was taking precaution to save not what wc nowadays would call 'furniture', but his curios and objets d'art. For every Roman, the main item of furniture was the bed lectus on which he slept during his siesta and at night and on which he reclined by day to eat, read, write, or receive visitors.
Those better off had handsomer and more elaborate couches in proportion to their means. Most beds were single ones lectuli. There were double beds for married couples lecti geniales ; beds for three which graced the dining-room triclinia ; and those who wished to make a splash and astonish the neighbours had couches for six.
Some were cast in bronze; most were simply carved in wood, either in oak or maple, terebinth or arbor vitae, or it might be in those exotic woods with undulating grain and changing lights which reflected a thousand colours like a peacock's tail lecti pavonini. Some beds boasted bronze feet and a wooden frame, others again ivory feet and a frame of bronze.
In some cases the woodwork was inlaid with tortoise-shell; in some the bronze was nielloed with silver and gold. There were even some, like Trimalchio's, of massive silver. Their tables mensae had little in common with ours. When the empire was in its glory, the tnensa was a set of little shelves in tiers, supported on one leg, and used to display for a visitor's admiration the most valuable treasures of the house cartibula. Alternatively, it might be a low table of wood or bronze with three or four adjustable supports trapezophores or a simple tripod whose folding metal legs usually ended in a lion's claw.
As for seats, remains of these are - not without reason - more rarely found in the excavations than tables. The armchair with back, the thronus, was reserved for the divinity; the chair with a more or less sloping back, the cathedra, was especially popular with women. We speak with perfect right, therefore, of the 'Chair of Saint Peter' or the 'chair' of a university professor.
Ordinarily the Romans were content with benches scamna or stools subsellia or sellae without arms or back, which they carried about with them out of doors. Silver table services were so common that Martial ridicules patrons who were too niggardly of their Satumalian gifts to give their clients at least five pounds a trifle over three pounds avoirdupois of silverware. The rich had vessels carved by a master hand, sparkling with gold and set with precious stones. Even in the most luxurious Roman house, the lighting left much to be desired: Neither in the Via Biberatica nor in Trajan's market nor in the Casa dei Dipinti at Ostia do we find any traces of mica or glass near the windows, therefore the windows in these places cannot have been equipped with the fine transparent sheets of lapis specularis with which rich families of the empire sometimes screened the alcove of a bedroom, a bathroom, or garden hothouse, or even a sedan chair.
Nor can they have been fitted with the thick, opaque panes which are still found in place in the skylight windows of the baths of Herculaneum and Pompeii, where they provided a hermetic closure to maintain the heat without producing complete darkness. In quarters armed with solid shutters of this sort the occupant, were he an ex-consul or as well known as the younger Pliny, was condemned either to freeze in daylight or to be sheltered in darkness. It would be a grave mistake, moreover, to imagine that the insula ever enjoyed the benefit of central heating with which a misuse of language and an error of fact have credited it.
The furnace arrangements which are found in so many ruins never fulfilled this office. Whether or not they were connected with it by the spaces within their partition walls, the suspensurae were separated from the hypocaustum by a flooring formed of a bed of bricks, a layer of clay, and a pavement of stone or marble. This compact floor was designed to exclude unwelcome or injurious exhalations and to slow down the rise of temperature. It will be noticed that in this device the heated surface of the suspensurae was never greater than the surface of the hypocaustum and its working demanded a number of hypocauses equal to, if not greater than, the number of hypocausta.
It follows therefore, that this system of furnaces had nothing to do with central heating and was not applicable to many-storeyed buildings. It need hardly be stressed that no traces of such a system have been found in any of the insulae known to us. This was not the worst. The Roman insula lacked fireplaces as completely as furnaces. Only a few bakeries at Pompeii had an oven supplied with a pipe somewhat resembling our chimney; it would be too much to assume that it was identical with it, for, of the two examples that can be cited, one is broken off in such a way that we cannot tell where it used to come out, and the other was not carried up to the roof but into a drying cupboard on the first floor.
No such ventilation shafts have been discovered in the villas of Pompeii or Hcrculaneum; still less, of course, in the houses of Ostia, which reproduce in every detail the plan of the Roman insula. Some were wrought in copper or bronze with great taste and skill. But the grace of this industrial art was scant compensation for the brazier's limited heating power and range. They were threatened moreover by the attack of noxious fumes and not infrequently by the escape of smoke which was not always prevented either by the thorough drying or even by the preliminary carbonization of the fuel ligtia coctilia, acapna.
To make matters worse, the insula was as ill supplied with water as with light and heat. I admit that the opposite opinion is generally held. According to Frontinus, a contemporary of Trajan, eight aqueducts brought ,, gallons of water a day to the city of Rome,68 but very little of this immense supply found its way to private houses. In the first place, it was not until the reign of Trajan and the opening on 24 June of the aqueduct called by his name, aqua Traiana, that fresh spring water was brought to the quarters on the right bank of the Tiber;69 until then, the inhabitants had to make their wells suffice for their needs.
In the colony of Ostia, for instance, which, like its neighbour Rome, possessed an aqueduct, municipal channels, and private conduits, no building that has so far been excavated reveals any trace of rising columns which might have conveyed spring water to the upper storeys. All ancient texts, moreover, whatever the period in which they were written, bear conclusive witness to the absence of any such installations. Under the empire, the poet Martial complains that his town house lacks water although it is situated near an aqueduct.
The mere fact that Paulus expressly formulated the warning proves that, with a few exceptions to which we shall revert later, water from the aqueducts reached only the ground floor of the insula. The tenants of the upper cenacula had to go and draw their water from the nearest fountain. The higher the flat was perched, the harder the task of carrying water to scrub the floors and walls of those crowded contignationes. It must be confessed that the lack of plentiful water for washing invited the tenants of many Roman cenacula to allow filth to accumulate, and it was inevitable that many succumbed to the temptation for lack of a water system such as never existed save in the imagination of too optimistic archaeologists.
Far be it from me to stint my well-deserved admiration for the network of sewers which conveyed the sewage of the city into the Tiber. The sewers of Rome were begun in the sixth century B. The cloacae were conceived, carried out, and kept up on so grandiose a scale that in certain places a wagon laden with hay could drive through them with ease; and Agrippa, who perhaps did more than any man to increase their efficiency and wholesomeness by diverting the overflow of the aqueducts into them through seven channels, had no difficulty in travelling their entire length by boat.
Its semicircular arch, five metres in diameter, is as perfect today as in the days of the kings to whom it is attributed. But it cannot be denied that the ancients, though they were courageous enough to undertake it, and patient enough to carry it through, were not skilful enough to utilize it as we would have done in their place. They did not turn it to full account for securing a cleanly town or ensuring the health and decency of the inhabitants. The system served to collect the sewage of the ground floor and of the public latrines which stood directly along the route, but no effort was made to connect the cloacae with the private latrines of the separate cenacula.
There are only a few houses in Pompeii whose upstairs latrines were so designed that they could empty into the sewer below, whether by a conduit connecting them with the sewer or by a special arrangement of pipes; and the same can be said of Ostia and Herculaneum. Of all the hardships endured by the inhabitants of ancient Rome, the lack of domestic drainage is the one which would be most severely resented by the Romans of today.
The very rich escaped the inconvenience. If they lived in their own domus, they had nothing to do but construct a latrine on the ground level. Water from the aqueducts might reach it and at worst, if it was too far distant from one of the sewers for the refuse to be swept away, the sewage could fall into a trench beneath. These cess trenches, like the one excavated near San Pietro in , were neither very deep nor proof against seepage, and the manure merchants had acquired the right - probably under Vespasian80 to arrange for emptying them.
If the privileged had their domus in an insula, they rented the whole of the ground floor and enjoyed the same advantage as in a private house. In any case they were forced to go outside their homes. If die trifling cost was not deterrent, they could pay for entry to one of the public latrines administered by the conductores foriearum.
In Trajan's Rome, as today in some backward villages, the immense majority of private people had to have recourse to the public latrine. But the comparison cannot be pushed further. The latrines of ancient Rome are disconcerting on two counts; we need only recall the examples of Pompeii, of Timgad, of Ostia, and that already alluded to at Rome itself, which was heated in winter by a hypocausis: People met there, conversed, and exchanged invitations to dinner without embarrassment.
All round the semicircle or rectangle which it formed, water flowed continuously in little channels, in front of which a score or so of seats were fixed. The seats were of marble, and the opening was framed by sculptured brackets in the form of dolphins, which served both as a support and as a line of demarcation. Above the seats it was not unusual to see niches containing statues of gods or heroes, as on the Palatine, or an altar to Fortune, the goddess of health and happiness, as in Ostia;84 and not infrequently the room was cheered by the gay sound of a playing fountain as at Timgad.
It is like nothing but the fifteenth-century madrasas in Fez, where the latrines were also designed to accommodate a crowd, and decorated with exquisitely delicate stucco and covered with a lacelike ceiling of cedar wood. But the public latrines were not the resort of misers or of the very poor. These folk had no mind to enrich the conductores foricarum to the tune of even one as. They preferred to have recourse to the jars, skilfully chipped down for the purpose, which the fuller at the corner ranged in front of his workshop.
He purchased permission for this from Vespasian, in consideration of a tax to which no odour clung, so as to secure gratis the urine necessary for his trade. For in Rome of the Caesars, as in a badly kept hamlet of today, more than one alley stank with the pestilential odour of a cess trench lacus such as those which Cato the Elder during his censorship paved over when he cleaned the cloacae and led them under the Aventine. So much the worse for the passer-by who happened to intercept the unwelcome gift!
Fouled and sometimes even injured, as in Juvenal's satire,88 he hadno redress save to lodge a complaint against the unknown assailant; many passages of the Digest indicate that Roman jurists did not disdain to take cognizance of this offence, to refer the case to the judges, to 54 HOUSES AND STREETS track down the offender, and assess the damages payable to the victim. Ulpian classifies the various dues by which it might be possible to trace the culprit. If [he says] the apartment [cenaculum] is divided among several tenants, redress can be sought only against that one of them who lives in that part of the apartment from the level of which the liquid has been poured.
If the tenant, however, while professing to have sub-let [cenacularium exereens], has in fact retained for himself the enjoyment of the greater part of the apartment, he shall be held solely responsible. If, on the other hand, the tenant who professes to have sub-let has in fact retained for his own use only a modestfractionof the space, he and his sub-tenants shall be joindy held responsible. The same will hold good if the vessel or the liquid has been thrownfroma balcony. When in consequence of the fall of one of these projectiles from a house, the body of afreeman shall have suffered injury, the judge shall award to the victim in addition to medical fees and other expenses incurred in his treatment and necessary to his recovery, the total of the wages of which he has been or shall in future be deprived by the inability to work which has ensued.
In formulating his final paragraph he expresses with unemotional simplicity his noble conception of the dignity of man: Our great cities are also shadowed by misery, stained by the uncleanness of our slums, dishonoured by the vice they harbour. This principal tenant who set himself to exploit the sub-letting of the cenacula had no bed of roses. He had to keep the place in repair, obtain tenants, keep the peace between them, and collect his quarterly payments on the year's rent.
Not unnaturally he sought compensation for his worries and his risks by extorting enormous profits. Ever-rising rent is a subject of eternal lamentation in Roman literature. In the times of Domitian and of Trajan, one could have bought a fine estate at Sora or Frusino for the price of quarters in Rome. If the ground floor was divided into several tabernae, they were filled with artisans, shopkeepers, and eating-house keepers, like those of the insula which Petronius describes.
But whatever the disposition of the ground floor, the upper storeys were gradually swamped by the mob: Streets and Traffic If some magic wand could have disentangled the jumble of the Roman streets and laid them end to end, they would certainly have covered a distance of 60, passus, or approximately 89 kilometres. So we learn from the calculations and measurements carried out by the censors Vespasian and Titus in A.
Tacitus attributes the ease and speed with which the terrible fire of A. The streets always smacked of their ancient origin and maintained the old distinctions which had prevailed at the time of their rustic development: Between the gates of the innermost enclosure and the outskirts of the fourteen regions, not more than a score of others deserved the title: The majority of the other thoroughfares, the real streets, or vici, scarcely attained this last figure, and many fell far below it, being simple passages angiportus or tracks semitae which had to be at least metres wide to allow for projecting balconies.
They were daily defiled by the filth and refuse of the neighbouring houses, and were neither so well kept as Caesar had decreed in his law, nor always furnished with the foot-paths and paving that he had also prescribed. In comminatory words he commands the landlords whose buildings face on a public street to clean in front of the doors and walls, and orders the aediles in each quarter to make good any omission by getting the work done through a contractor for forced labour, appointed in the usual manner of state contractors, at a fee fixed by preliminary bidding, which the delinquent will be obliged forthwith to pay.
Daily Life in Ancient Rome (Peregrine Books)
We have, however, no indication that this was ever done, and the idea that in this case the State should have taken the authority and responsibility off the shoulders of the private individual could not possibly have entered the head of any Roman, though he were gifted with the genius of a Julius Caesar. It is my opinion that the Romans had been equally unsuccessful in extending to the whole city the sidewalks margines, erepidines or even the paving viae stratae with which Caesar in his day had dreamed of furnishing them.
The archaeologists who differ from me in this matter cite in all seriousness the wide pavements of the Italian roads, forgetting that the paving of the Via Appia in B. The comparison of Roman conditions with those of Pompeii is as invalid in the matter of vici as in the matter of insulae. His edict is commemorated in the epigram: Barber, tavern-keeper, cook, and butcher keep within their own threshold. Now Rome exists, which so recently was one vast shop. We may be permitted to doubt it. The retreat of the hucksters may have been secured, or not, by day at the will of a despotic emperor; it certainly took place of its own accord at night.
This is in fact one of the characteristics which most markedly distinguishes Imperial Rome from contemporary cities: In normal times night fell over the city like the shadow of a great danger, diffused, sinister, and menacing. The shops fell silent, safety chains were drawn across behind the leaves ofthe doors; the shutters of theflatswere closed and the pots offlowerswithdrawn from the windows they had adorned.
If the rich had to sally forth, they were accompanied by slaves who carried torches to light and protect them on their way. Other folk placed no undue reliance on the night watchmen sebaciarii , squads of whom, torch in hand, patrolled the sector - too vast to be completely guarded. Each of the seven cohorts of vigiles was theoretically responsible for the policing of two regions. No ordinary person ventured abroad without vague apprehension and a certain reluctance.
Not all night adventures were tragic, though the belated wanderer exposed himself to death or at least to the danger of pollution 'whenever windows opened above his head behind which someone was not yet asleep'. By day there reigned intense animation, a breathless jostle, an infernal din. Here barbers shaved their customers in the middle of the fairway. There the hawkers from Transtiberina passed along, bartering their packets of sulphur matches for glass trinkets. Elsewhere, the owner of a cook-shop, hoarse with calling to deaf cars, displayed his sausages piping hot in their saucepan.
Schoolmasters and their pupils shouted themselves hoarse in the open air. On the one hand, a money-changer rang his coins with the image of Nero on a dirty table, on another a beater of gold dust pounded with his shining mallet on his well-worn stone. The flow of pedestrians was unceasing and the obstacles to their progress did not prevent the stream soon becoming a torrent. In sun or shade a whole world of people came and went, shouted, squeezed and thrust through narrow lanes unworthy of a country village; and fifteen centuries before Boileau sharpened his wit on the Embarras de Paris, the traffic jams of ancient Rome provided a target for the shafts of Juvenal.
It might have been hoped that night would put an end to the din with fear-filled silence and sepulchral peace. Not so; it was merely replaced by another sort of noise. Ordinary men had by now sought sanctuary in their homes, but the human stream was, by Caesar's decree, succeeded by a procession of beasts of burden, carts, their drivers, and their escorts. From sunrise until nearly dusk no transport cart was henceforward to be allowed within the precincts of the Urbs. To this inflexible rule four exceptions alone were permitted: Apart from these few clearly defined cases, no daytime traffic was allowed in ancient Rome except for pedestrians, horsemen, litters, and carrying chairs.
Whether it was a pauper funeral setting forth at nightfall or majestic obsequies gorgeously carried out in full daylight, whether or not the funeral procession was preceded by flute-players and horn-blowers or followed by a long cortege of relations, friends, and hired mourners praeficae , the dead, enshrined in a costly coffin capulum or laid on a hired bier sandapila , made their last journey to the funeral pyre or the tomb on a simple handbarrow borne by the vespillones.
The iron hand of the dictator held its sway through the centuries, and his heirs, the emperors, never released the Roman citizens from the restraints which Caesar had ruthlessly imposed on them in the interests of the public welfare. On the contrary, the emperors in turn consecrated and strengthened them. Claudius extended them to the municipalities of Italy; Marcus Aurelius to every city of the empire without regard to its own municipal statutes; Hadrian limited the teams and the loads of the carts allowed to enter the city; and at the end of the first century and the beginning of the second we find the writers of the day reflecting the image of a Rome still definitely governed by thcr decrees of Julius Caesar.
The herd of people which sweeps the poet along proceeds on foot through a scrimmage that is constantly renewed. The crowd ahead impedes his hasty progress, the crowd behind threatens to crush his loins. One man jostles him with his elbow, another with a beam he is carrying, a third bangs his head with a wine-cask. A mighty boot tramps on his foot, a military nail embeds itself in his toe, and his newly mended tunic is torn. Then, of a sudden, panic ensues: The great man's law had survived its author's death, and this continuity is a symptom of the quality which guarantees to Imperial Rome a unique position among the cities of all time and every place.
With effortless ease Rome harmonized the most incongruous features, assimilated the most diverse forms of past and present, and, while challenging the remotest comparisons, she remains essentially and for all time incomparable. We have seen her arrogant and fragile skyscrapers rise to heights which her engineering could scarcely justify, we have seen the most modern refinements of extravagant luxury existing side by side with preposterous discomfort and medieval barbarity, and now we are faced with the disconcerting traffic problems of her streets.
The scenes they witness seem borrowed from the suqs of an oriental bazaar. Romans and Foreigners A T first sight Roman society appears to be divided into water-tight compartments and to bristle with barriers between class and class. All free-born men ingenui , whether citizens of Rome or elsewhere, were in principle in a distinct category, radically separated by their superiority of birth from the mass of slaves who were originally without rights, without guarantees, without personality, delivered over like a herd of brute beasts to the discretion of their master, and like a herd of beasts treated rather as inanimate objects than as sentient beings res mancipi.
Among the ingenui, again, there existed a profound distinction between the Roman citizen whom the law protected and the non-citizen who was merely subject to the law. Finally, Roman citizens themselves were classified and their position on this ladder of rank determined by their fortunes. Whereas under the republic there had been equality for all citizens before the law, in the empire of the second and third centuries a legal distinction arose which divided the citizen body into two classes: All other citizens belonged to the second, and unless wealth or ability brought them into public office, they remained there.
The humiliores were subject to the most severe and humiliating punishments for infraction of the laws. They might be sent to the mines ad metalia , thrown to the beasts in the amphitheatre, or crucified. Destinatum 5 Augusto eratj niMl super ea re nisi ex voluntate maioris fili statuere; is forte tunc M. Lollio offensior, facilis exorabilisque in vitricum fuit. Permittente ergo Gaio revocatus est, verum sub coridicione ne quam partem curamve rei publieae attingeret. Et ingresso primam expeditionem ac per Macedoniam ducente exercitum in Syriam, accidit ut apud Philippos sacratae olim victri- cium legionum arae sponte subitis conlucerent ignibus; et mox, cum Illyricum petens luxta Patavium adisset 25 Geryonis oraculum, sorte tracta, qua monebatur ut de consultationibus in Aponi fontem talos aureos iaceret, evenit ut summum numerum iacti ab eo ostenderentj bodieque sub aqua visuntur hi tali.
Ante paucos vero quam revocaretur dies aquila, numquam antea Pbodi 30 conspecta, in culmine domus eius assedit; et pridie quam de reditu certior fieret, vestimenta mutanti tunica ardere visa est. Gaio et Lucio intra triennium defunctis, adoptatur ab Augusto simul cum fratre eorum M. Xec quicquam postea pro 15 patre familias egit aut ius, quod amiserat, ex ulla parte re- tinuit.
ISTam neque donavit neque manumisit, ne heredita- tem quidem aut legata percepit ulla aliter quam ut peculio referret accepta. Xiliil ex eo tempore praetermissum est ad maiestatem eius augendam, ac multo magis post quam, 20 Agrippa abdicate atque seposito, certum erat, uni spem 16 successionis incumbere ; data rursus potestas tribunicia in quinquennium, delegatus pacandae Germaniae status, Par- tborum legati, mandatis Augusto Eomae redditis, eum quo- que adire in provincia iussi. Sed nuntiata 25 Illyrici defectione, transiit ad curam novi belli, quod, gravissimum omnium externo- rum bellorum post Punica, per quindecim legiones parem- que auxiliorum copiam triennio gessit, in magnis omnium rerum difficultatibus summaque frugum inopia.
Et quam- 30 quam saepius revocaretur, tamen perseveravit, metuens ne vicinus et praevalens bostis instaret ultro cedentibus. Cui 17 5 gloriae amplior adhuc ex opportunitate cumulus accessit. Xam sub id fere tempus Quintilius Varus cum tribus legio- nibus in Germania periit, nemine dubitante quin victores Germani iuncturi se Pannoniis fuerint, nisi debellatum prius Illyricum esset. Quas ob res triumpbus 10 ei decretus est, multique et magni bonores. Censuerunt etiam quidam ut Pannonicus, alii ut Invictus, nonnulli ut Pius cognominaretur. Sed de cognomine intercessit Augustus, eo contentum repromit- tens, quod se defuncto suscepturus esset.
Triumpbum 15 ipse distulit, maesta civitate clade Variana; nibilo minus urbem praetextatus et laurea coronatus intravit positum- que in Saeptis tribunal, senatu astante, conscendit, ac medius inter duos consules cum Augusto simul sedit; unde, populo consalutato, circum templa deductus est.
Guram quo- que solito exactiorem praestitit. Traiecturus Rbenum commeatum omnem ad certam formulam astrictum non ante transmisit, quam consistens apud ripam explorasset vebiculorum onera, ne qua deportarentur nisi concessa aut 30 necessaria. Proelia, quam- vis minimum fortunae casibusque permitteret, aliquanto Constantins inibat quotiens lucubrante se, subito ac nullo propellente, decideret lumen et extingiieretur, confidens, 10 ut aiebat, ostento sibi a maioribus suis in omni ducatu expertissimo.
Sed re prospere gesta, non multum afuit quin a Bruetero quodam occideretur, cui inter proximos versanti et trepidatione detecto tormentis expressa con- 20 fessio est cogitati facinoris. A G-ermania in urbem post 15 biennium regressus triumpbum, quern distu- lerat, egit, prosequentibus etiam legatis, qui- bus triumpbalia ornamenta impetxarat. Ac prius quam in Capitolium flecteret, descendit e curru seque praesidenti patri ad genua summisit. Eatonem 20 Pannonium ducem, ingentibus donatum praemiis, Baven- nam transtulit, gratiam referens, quod se quondam cum exercitu iniquitate loci circumclusum passus esset evar dere.
Prandium debinc populo mille mensis, et congi- arium trecenos nummos viritim dedit. Dedicavit et 25 Concordiae aedem, item PoUucis et Castoris suo fratris- 21 que nomine, de manubiis. Ac non multo post, lege per consules lata ut provincias cum Augusto com mun iter ad- ministraret simulque censum ageret, condito lustro in Illyricum profectus est. Et statim ex itinere revocatus 30 iam quidem adfectum, sed tamen spirantem adbuc An- gustum xepperit fuitque una secreto per totum diem.
Adduci tamen nequeo quin existirnem, circumspectissimuin et prudentissimuin principem, in tanto praesertim negotio, nihil temere f ecisse ; sed vitiis Tiberii virtutibiisque perpensis potiores duxisse virtutes, 15 praesertim cum et rei publicae causa adoptare se eum pro contione iuraverit, et epistulis aliquot ut peritissimum rei militaris utque unicum populo Eoniano praesidium prose- quatur.
Ex quibus in exemplum pauca hinc inde subieci: Unus homo nobis vigilando restituit rem. Sive quid incidit de quo sit cogitandum diligentius, sive 30 quid stomacJior valde, medius Jidius Tiberimn meum desi- dero, succurritque versus ille Homericus: Deos obsecro, at te nobis consercent et calere nunc et semper pat iantur, si non pjopulu m Romatitnn perosi sunt. Hunc tribuniis militum ciistos appo- situs occidit, lectis codicillis, quibus ut id jjjuj-der of faceret iubebatur; quos codicillos dubium the young fuit, Aiigustiisne moriens reliquisset, quo 15 materiam tumultus post se subduceret; an nomine Au- gusti Li via et ea eonscio Tiberio an ignaro, dictasset.
Tiberius renuntianti tribuno, factum esse quod imperas- set, neqiie unperasse se et reddituritm enm senatui rationem respondit, invidiam scilicet in praesentia vitans. Nam 20 23 mox silentio rem obliteravit. Inlatum deinde 25 August! Quoniam atrox fortuna Gaium et LuciumfiUos mihi eripuit, Tiberius Caesar mihi ex parte 30 dimidia et seostante Tieres esto.
Quo et ipso aiicta suspicio Principatum, qnamvis neque occupare confestim neque 24 agere dubitasset, statione milituni, hoc est vi et specie o dominationis, assumpta, dm tamen recusavit, Pretended. Aut agat, aut desistat! Tandem quasi coactus, et querens miseram et 15 onerosam iniuyigi sibi servitutem, recepit imperium; nec tamen aliter, quam ut depositurum se quandoque spem faceret. Nam et servus Agrippae Clemens nomine non con- temnendam manum in ultionem domini com- pararat, et L. Scribonius Libo vir nobilis res 25 novas clam moliebatur, et duplex seditio militum in Illyrico et in Germania exorta est.
Plagitabant ambo exercitus multa extra ordinem, ante omnia ut aequaren- tur stipendio praetorianis. Germaniciani quidem etiam principem detractabant non a se datum, summaque vi 30 Germanicum, qui turn iis praeerat, ad capessendam rem publicam urgebant, quamquam ofSirmate resistentem. Coinxjositis seditioiiibus Clemen- 5 tern quoquej fraude deceptum, redegit m potestatem.
Templa, fiamines, sacerdotes deeerni sibi probibuit, etiam statuas atque imagines nisi permit- 20 tente se poni: Intereessit et quo minus in acta sua iuraretur, et ne mensis September Tiberius, October Livius voca- rentur. Praenomen quoque imperatoris cognomenque 25 pairis patriae, et civicam in vestibule coronam recu- savit; ac ne Augusti quidem nomen, quamquam beredi- tarium, ullis nisi ad reges ac djnastas epistulis addidit. IlTee amplius quam mox tres consulatus, unum paucis diebus, alterum tribus mensibus, tertium absens usque in 30 Idus Maias gessit.
Dondnus appellatus a quodam, denuntiavit ne se amplius contumeliae causa nominaret. Alium dicen- tem sacras eius occupationes et rursus alium, auctore eo 10 senatum se adisse, verba mutare et pro auctore suasorem, pro sacris laboriosas dicere coegit. Exstat et sermo eius in senatu percivilis: Siquidem locutus aliter fuerit, daho opteram ut rationem factorum meorum dictorunique reddani; si per sever averit, in vicem eum odero.
Dis- sentiens in curia a Q. Haterio, Ignoscas, in- quit, Togo, si quid adversus te liber ius sicut senator dixero. Et deinde omnis adloquens: Dixi et nunc et saepe alias, ;30 patres coyisanpU, bonum et salutarem principem, quern vos tanta et tarn libera potestate msti'uxistis, senatui servire debere et universis civibus saepe, et plerumque etiam LIBER III.
Praefectum alae, de vi et rainnis reunij causam in senatu dicere coegit. Xumquani curiam nisi solus intravit ; lectica quondam introlatus aeger, comites a se 15 31 removit. Quaedam adversus sententiam suam decerni, ne questus quidem est. Xegante eo destinatos magistra- tus abesse oportere, ut praesentes honor!
Cum senatus consultum per discessionem forte fieret, transeuntem eum in alteram partem, in qua pauciores erant, secutiis est nemo. Nec minim, cum palam esset ip sum consideration quoque eisdem et assurgere et decedere via. Praetorem conlaudavit, quod bonore inito con- suetudinem antiquam retulisset de maioribus suis pro 5 contione memorandi. Quorundam illustrium exsequias usque ad rogum frequentavit. Parem moderationeni minoribus quoque et personis et rebus exbibuit.
Cum Pvbodiorum inagistratus, quod litteras publicas sine subscriptione ad se dederant, 10 evocasset, ne verbo quidem insectatus ac tantum modo iussos subscribere remisit. Prae- sidibus onerandas tribute provincias suadentibus rescrip- sit, ho7ii pastoris esse tondere pecus, non deghcbere. Paulatim principem exseruit, praestititque etsi varium 33 20 diu, commodiorem tamen saepius et ad assumption of utilitates publicas proniorem. Ac prime sovereignty eatenus interveniebat, ne quid perperam fieret.
Itaque et constitution es senatus quasdam rescidit, et magistratibus pro tribunali cognoscentibus plerumque 25 se offerebat consiliarium assidebatque iuxtim vel exad- yersum in parte primori ; et si quern reorum elabi gratia rumor esset, subitus aderat iudicesque aut e piano aut e quaesitoris tribunali legum et religionis et noxae, de qua cognoscerent, admonebat ; atque etiam, si qua in publicis 30 moribus desidia aut mala consuetudine labarent, corri- genda suscepit. Ludorum ac mimerum impensas corripuit, 34 mercedibus scaenicorum recisis paribusque gladiatorum LIBER m.
Et ut parsimomam pu- blieam exemplo quoque iuvaretj sollemnibus ipse cenis pridiana saepe ac semesa obsonia apposuit dimidiatumque lo apmm, afG-rmans, omnia eadem habere, quae totum. Cotidiana oscula edicto prohibuit; item strenarum com- mercium ne ultra Kal. Matronas prostra- tae pudicitiae, quibus accusator pnblicus deesset, ut pro- pinqui more maiorum de communi sententia coercerent auctor fuit.
Equiti Romano iuris iurandi gratiam fecit, uxorem in stupro ge- 20 neri eompertam dimitteret, quam. Eeminae famosae, ut ad evitandas legum poenas iure ac dignitate matronali exsolyerentur, lenocinium profiteri coeperant, et ex iuventute utriusque ordinis profligatissimus quisque, quo minus in opera 25 scaenae barenaeque edenda senatus eonsulto teneretur, famosi iudicii notam sponte subibant ; eos easque omnes, ne quod refugium in tali fraude cuiquam esset, exsilio adfecit.
Senatori latum clavum ademit, cum cognosset, sub KaL lul. Alium et quaestura removit, quod uxorem pridie sortitionem ductam postridie repu- 22 C. Expiilit et matbeniaticos, sed de- preeantibus ac se artem desitiiros promittentibiis veniain 10 dedit. Sta- Preservation of peace, at tiones militum per Italiam solito frequenti- homeand Qi.
Eomae castra constitiiit, 13 quibus praetorianae cobortes, vagae ante id tempiis et per bospitia dispersae, continerentur. Populares tumultus et ortos gravissime coercuit et ne orerentur sedulo cavit. Cum Pollentina plebs funus cuiusdam primipilaris non prius ex foro misisset, quam extorta pecunia per vim beredibus ad gladiatorium munus, cobortem ab urbe et aliam a Cotti regno, dissi- 25 mulata itineris causa, detectis repente armis concinenti- busque signis per diversas portas in oppidum immisit, ac partem maiorem plebei ac decurionum in perpetua vincula coniecit.
Abolevit et ins moremque asylorum, quae usquam erant- Cyzicenis in cives Eomanos violen- 30 tins quaedam ausis publice libertatem ademit, quam Mitbridatico bello meruerant. Sed orbatus utroque filio, quorum Germardcus in Syria, Drusus Eo- 20 mae obierat, secessum Campaniae petit ; Withdrawal to Campania constant!
Quod paulo minus utrumque eYenit; nam neque Eomam amplius rediit, et paucos post dies 25 iiixta Tarracinam in praetorio, cui Speluncae nomen est, incenante eo complura et ingentia saxa fortuito superne delapsa sunt, multisque conviYarum et ministrorum elisis, praeter spem evasit. Statimque revocante assidua obtestatione popiilo propter cladenij qua apud Fidenas supra viginti 5 hominuni milia gladiatorio munere amxdiitheatri ruina perierantj transiit in eontinentem potestatemque omni- bus adeundi sui fecit: Ceterum secreti licentiam nanetus et quasi 42 civitatis oculis remotus, cuncta si mill vitia male diu dissi- mulata tandem profudit: In castris tiro etiam tion turn propter nimiam vini aviditatem pro Tiberio Bibenus, pro Claudio Caldius, pro bTerone Mero vo- cabatur.
Postea princeps in ipsa publicorum morum cor- 25 rectione cum Pomponio Flacco et L. Pisone noctem continuumque biduum epulando potandoque consumpsit, quorum alteri Syriam provinciam, alteri praefecturam urbis confestim detulit, codicillis quoque iucundissimos et omnium borarum amicos professus. Sestio Gallo, 30 libidinoso ac prodigo seni, olim ab Augusto ignominia no- tato et a se ante paucos dies apud senatum increpito, cenam ea lege condixit, ne quid ex consuetudine immu- LIBER III. Ignotissimum qiiaestarae candidatiim nobi- lissimis anteposuit ob epotam in convino, propinante se, vini amphoram.
Asellio Sabino sestertia dueenta donavit pro dialogo, in quo boleti et iicedulae et ostreae et turdi 5 certamen indiixerat. Xovum denique olfieiuin instituit a Yoluptatibus, praeposito equite Eomano T. Paucorum 20 senatorum inopia sustentata, ne pluribus opem ferret, negarit se aliis subventurum, nisi senatui iustas necessi- tatium causas probassent.
Quo pacto plerosque modestia et pudore deterruit, in quibus Hortalum, Quinti Hortensi oratoris nepotem, qui permodica re familiari auetore 25 Augusto quattuor liberos tulerat. Militi post dnplicata ex Augiisti testamento legata niMl iiinquam largitiis est, praeterquam singula niilia denari- oruiii praetoriaiiis, pod Seiano se non accommodassent, et 10 cpiaedam iiiiinera Syriacis legionibus, quod solae nullam Seiaiii imaginem inter signa eoluissent. Procedente inox tempore etiam ad rapinas convertit 49 animum. Lentiilum augu- rem, ciii census maximus fuerit, metu et aiigore ad fastidium vitae ab eo actum et ut ne quo nisi 20 ipso herede moreretiir; coiidemnatam et generosissimam feiiiinam Lepidam, in gratiam Quirini consularis praedi- vitis et orbi, qui dimissam earn e matrimonio post vicen- simum annum veneni olim in se comparati arguebat; praeterea Galliarimi et Hispaniarum Syriaeque et Grae- 25 ciae principes eonfiscatos ob tarn leve ac tarn inpudens calumniarum genus, ut quibusdam non aliud sit obiectum, quam quod partem rei familiaris in pecunia haberent ; plurimis etiam eivitatibus et privatis veteres immunitates et ius metallorum ac vectigalium adempta ; sed et Vono- 30 nem regem Partborum, qui pulsus a suis quasi in fidem populi Eomani cum ingenti gaza Antioebiam se leceperatj spoliatum perfidia et occisum.
Tulit etiam peiindigne actum in senatu, 15 ut titulis suis quasi Augustp ita et Liriae filius adi- ceretiir. Quare non pareuteiu patriae His mother appellarij non ullum insigneni honorem recipere publiee passus est ; sed et frequenter ad- moiiuit, maioribus nec feminae convenientibus iiego- 20 tiis abstineret, praecij ue ut animadvertit, incendio iuxta aedem Testae et ipsam interTenisse populumque et milites, quo enixius opem ferrent, adliortatam, sicut sub 51 marito solita esset. Dehinc ad simultatem usque pro- cessit hac, ut ferunt, de causa.
At ilia commota reteres quos- dam ad se August! Hos et 30 custoditos tarn diu et exprobratos tarn infeste adeo graviter tulit, ut quidam putent, inter causas secessus 28 C. Testamentum quoque eiiis pro irrito babiiit, omnisqiie amicitias et familiaritates, etiam quibus ea fiineris sui ciiram moriens demandaverat; intra breve in tempus atfiixit, iino ex iis, equestris ordinis virO; et in antliam condemnato. Nam Drusus fluxioris remissiorisque His sons.
Itaque ne mortuo quidem per- inde adfectus est, sed tantum non statim a funere ad negotiorum consuetudinem rediit, iustitio longiore in- Mbito. Quin et Iliensium legatis panic serins consolan- tibiiSj quasi obliterata iam doloris memoria, irridens se 20 quoque respondit vicem eorum dolere, quod egregimn civem Hectoreui amisissent Germanico usque adeo obtrectavit, ut et praeclara facta eius pro supervacuis elevarit et gloriosissimas victorias ceu damnosas rei publicae incre- paret. Quod vero Alexandream propter immensam et 25 repentinam famem inconsulto se adisset; questus est in senatu.
Etiam causa mortis fuisse ei per On. Pisonem legatum Syriae creditur, quern mox huius criminis reum putant quidam mandata prolaturum, nisi ea secreto osten- tant. Quam suspicionem confirmavit ipse postea, coniuge etiam ac liberis Germanic! Quondam vero inter cenam pjorrecta a 5 se poma gustare non ansam etiam vocare desiit, simulans veneni se crimine accersi; cum praestructum iitrumque consulto esset, ut et ipse temptandi gratia offerret et ilia quasi certissimum exitium eaveret.
Xovissime ealiim- niatus modo ad statuam Augusti modo ad exercitus lo confiigere velle, Pandatariam relegavit, conviciantique oculum per centurionem verberibus excussit. Eiirsus mori inedia destinanti, per vim ore diducto, inful ciri cibum iussit. Sed et perseverantem atque ita absum- ptam criminosissime insectatus est, cum diem quoque 15 natalem eius inter nefastos referendum suasisset.
Im- putavit etiam, quod non laqueo strangulatam in Gemonias abiecerit ; proque tali dementia interponi decretum pas- sus est, quo sibi gratiae agerentur et Capitolino lovi donum ex auro sacraretur. Sed ut comperit, ineunte anno pro eorum quoque salute publice vota suscepta, egit cum senatu, 7 ion debere talia praemia tribui riisi expertis et aetate provectis: Xeroiieiii in insula Pontia, Dnisuni in ima parte Palatii. Piitaiit Xeroiieiii ad voluutariam inortein coactuiii, eimi ei earn if ex quasi ex senatus auetoritate missus iarpieos et 5 iineos Oftteiitaret, Druse aiiteni adeo almienta subdiicta ut tomentuiu e eiileita temptaverit mandere, amboriuiL sic reliqiiias dispersas ut vix qiiandoque colligi possent.
Super veteres amicos ae familiares viginti sibi e nu- 65 His counsel- iHero principiim civitatis depoposeerat, velut 10 lors and consiliarios in negotiis publicis. Horum vix Sejanus anne tres incolumis praestitit, ceteros aliimi alia de causa perculit, inter qiios cum plurimoriim clade Aeliuni Seianum ; quern ad summam potentiam non tarn benevolentia provexerat, quam ut esset cuius mini- 15 sterio ac fraiidibus liberos Germanici circiimveniret, ne- potemque suurn ex Druso lilio naturalem ad suecessionem imperii confirinaret.
Item cum soleret ex lectione cotidiana quae- 25 stiones super cenam proponere et comperisset Seleucum grammaticum a ministris suis perquirere, quos quoque tempore tractaret auctores, atque ita praeparatum venire, primum a contubernio removit, deinde etiam ad mortem compulit. Sciirram, qui prae- seventy and 5 tereunte fiinere dare mortuo niandarat, ut nuntiaret Augusto, nonfhnn recldi legata quae plehei reliqidsset, adtractum ad se recipere debitiiin ducique ad supplicium imperavit, et patri suo verum referre.
Xec multo post in senatu Pompeio cuidani equiti Romano 10 quiddam perneganti, dum vincula minatur, afiirniavit fore, nt ex Pompeio Pompeianus jieret acerba cavillatione simul hominis nomen incessens veterumque partiiim for- 68 tunam. Sub idem tempus, consulente praetore an indicia maiestatis cogi iuberet, exercendas esse leges respondit 15 et atrocissime exercuit. Damnato reo paulatim genus calumniae eo processit, ut haec quo- que capitalia essent: Periit deni- que et is, qui bonorem in colonia sua eodem die decerni sibi passus est, quo deereti et Augusto olim erant.
Dispeream, si te mater amare potest 82 C. Xon sitnt fihi Giulia centum: Incohimi uam fe ferren semper erimt. Tam hiMt hiinc avide, qaam Mbit ante merum. Aspke Felicem sibi, non tibi , Eojnule, Sidlam, Et Mariiim, si vis, aspice, sed reducein, Fee non Antoni civilia bella rnoventis 10 Fon seaifd infectas aspice caede manvs, Et die: Roma peril, regnavit sanguine midto, Ad regmnn qaisquis venit ab exsilio. Quae primo, quasi ab impatientibus remediorum ac non tam ex animi sententia quam bile et stomaeho fingeren- 15 tur, volebat aceipi, dicebatque identidem: Odermi, dum probent I Dein vera plane certaque esse ipse fecit fidem.
In paucis diebus quam Capreas attigit piscatori, qui 60 sibi secretum agenti grandem mullum inopinanter obtu- lerat, perfricari eodem pisce faciem iussit, 20 territns, quod is a tergo insulae per aspera et devia erepsisset ad se ; gratnlanti autem inter poenam, quod non et locustam, quam praegrandem ceperat, obtulisset, locusta quoque lacerari os iinperavit.
Militem praetorianum ob subreptum e viridiario pavonem 25 capite puniit. In quodam itinere lectica, qua vehebatur, yepribus impedita, exploratorem yiae, primarum cobor- tium centurionem, stratum bumi paene ad necem verbe- ravit. Mox in omne genus crudelitatis erupit, numquam 61 deficiente materia, cum primo matris, deinde nepotum et 30 nurus, postremo Seiani familiares atque kiam notos per- LIBEK in.
Singillatim crudeliter facta eius exseqiii longum est ; genera, velut exemplaria saevitiae, enumerare sat exit. Accusati Rome damnatique multi cum libertis atque etiani liberis suis. Interdictum ne eapite damnatos propinqui 15 lugerent. Decreta accusatoribiis praeeipua praemia, non- numquam et testibus. Xemini delatorum fides abrogata. Onine crimen pro capitali receptuni, etiam paucorum simpliciumque verborum. Obiectum est poetae, quod in tragoedia Agameninonem probris lacessisset; obiectum 20 et historico, quod Brutum Cassiumque ultimos Komano- rum dixisset; animadversum statim in auctores scripta- que abolita, quamvis probarentur ante aliquot annos, etiam Augusto audiente, reeitata.
Quibusdam custodiae traditis non modo studendi solacium ademptum, sed etiam 25 sermonis et colloquii usus. Citati ad causam dicendam partim se domi vulneraverunt certi damnationis et ad vexationem ignominiamque vitandam, partim in media curia venenum hauserunt; et tamen colligatis vulneribus ac semianimes palpitantesque adhuc in carcerem rapti. Iiiimaturae puellae, quia more tradito nefas esset virgines strangulari, vitiatae priiis a carnificej dein strangulatae.
Mori volentibus vis adhibita vivendi. Et in recogiioscendis eustodiis precanfci euidam poenae matiiritatem respondit: Quern cum inorbo et intemperantia perisse existimaret, ut tandem veneno inte- V 6I12C2L11C0 wreaked for remptum fraude Livillae uxoris atque Seiani the murder of cognovit, neque tormentis neque supplicio 20 cuius quam pepereit, soli huic cognition i adeo per totos dies deditus et intentus, ut Ehodiensem liospi- tem, quern familiaribus litteris Eoinam evocarat, adve- nisse sibi nuntiatum, torqueri sine mora iusserit, quasi aliquis ex necessariis qiiaestioni adesset; deinde errore 25 detecto, et oecidi, ne vulgaret iniuriam.
Carnificinae eius ostenditur locus Capreis, unde damnatos post longa et exquisita tormenta praecipitari coram se in mare iubebat, excipiente classiariorum manu et contis atque remis elidente cadavera, ne eui residui spiritus quicquam 30 inesset. Excogitaverat autem inter genera cruciatus etiam, ut larga meri potione per fallaciam oneratos, repente veretris deligatis, fidicularum simul urinaeque LIBER III. Quod nisi eiini et mors praeve- nisset et Tiirasylius consulto, iit ainnt, diiierre qnaedani spe longioris vitae compulisset, pliires aliqiianto iieea- tiirus ac lie reliqiiis quidein nepotibus parsiirus creditur, cum et Gaiiim suspeetiim liaberet, et Tiberiuin lit ex 5 adulterio eonceptmn aspernaretiir.
Haruspices secreto ac sine testibus consuli vetuit. Yicina vero urbi oraciila etiam disicere conatus est, sed inaies- tate Praenestinafum sortiiim territus desti- His fears and apprehensions titj cum obsignatas devectasque Romam non repperisset 15 in area nisi relata nirsus ad templum. Uiium et alterum consulates, oliiatis provinciis non aiisus a se dimittere, usque eo detinuit, donee successores post aliquot annos jjraesentibus daret; cum interim manente officii titulo etiam delegaret plurima assidue, quae illi per legates et 20 64 adiutores suos exsequenda curarent.
Xurum ac nepotes numquam aliter post damnationem quam catenates obsu- taque lectica loco movit, prohibitis per militem obviis ac viatoribus respieere usquam vel consistere. Xam primo, ut a se per speciem honoris dimitteret, col- legam sibi adsumpsit in quinto consulatu, quern longo 30 intervallo absens ob id ipsum susceperat. Deinde spe affinitatis ac tribuniciae potestatis deceptum inopinantem 36 C. Sic quoque 5 diffidens tiimultunique metuens, Drusum nepotem, quern vinculis adliuc Eomae continebat, solvi, si res posceret, ducemque coiistitiii praeceperat.
Urebant insuper anxiam mentem vafiria undique con- 66 15 vicia, nullo non damnatorum omne probri genus coram Opprobiitim libellos in orchestra positos inge- castupon rente. Quibus quidem diversissime adficie- Tibenus batur, modo ut prae pudore ignota et celata cimcta cuperet, nonnumquam eadem contemneret et pro- 20 ferret ultro atque vulgaret.
Quin et Artabani Parthorum regis laceratiis est litteris, parricidia et caedes et igna- viam et luxuriam obicientis, monentisque ut voluntaria morte maximo iustissimoque civium odio quam primum satis faceret. Postremo semet ipse pertaesus, tali epis- 67 25 tulae principio tantum non summam malorum suorum professus est: Quid scribam vobis, patres conscripti, aut quo modo scri- bam, aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, dii me deaeqiie peius perdant quam cotidie perire sentio, si seio.
Quod sane ex oratione eius, qiiam de iitraqiie re babuit, Refuses title Pater patnae colligi potest; vel cum ait, auaflem semper svi fiiUirum itec vmqnam mores suosy quam din sanae mentis ftrisset: Colore erat candido, ca- pillo pone occipitium summissiore ut cervicem etiam obtegeret, quod gentile in illo videbaturj facie bonesta, in qua tamen crebri et subiti tumores, cum praegrandibus 25 oculis et quij quod mirum esset, noctu etiam et in tene- bris viderent, sed ad breve et cum primum a somno pa- tuissent ; deinde rursum bebescebant.
Incedebat cervice rigida et obstipaj adducto fere vultu, plerumque tacitus, nullo aut rarissimo etiam cum proximis sermone eoque 30 tardissimo, nec sine molli quadam digitorum gesticula- tione. Quae omnia ingrata atque arrogantiae plena et 38 C. Yaletudine prosperrima iisus est, tempore quidem principatus paene toto prope inlaesa, quamvis a 5 tricesimo aetatis anno arbitratu earn suo rexerit sine adiiiinento consiliove medicorum.
Circa deos ac religiones neglegentior, quippe addictus 69 matbematicae plenusque persuasionis, cuncta Superstition Tonitriia tamen praeter modum 10 expavescebat et turbatiore caelo niimquam non coronam lauream capite gestavit, quod fulmine afSari negetur id genus frondis. Artes liberales utriusque generis studiosissime coluit.
Sed affectatione et morositate nimia obscura- bat stilum, ut aliquanto ex tempore quam a cura praestan- tior baberetur. Composuit et carmen lyricuin, cuius est titulus Conquestio de morte L. Fecit et Graeca 20 poemata imitatus Eupborionem et Ebianum et Partbe- nium, quibus poetis admodum delectatus, scripta omnium et imagines publicis bibliothecis inter yeteres et prae- cipuos auctores dedicavit, et ob boc plerique eruditorum certatim ad eum multa de bis ediderunt.
Militem qiioque, Graece testi- lo monium interrogatum, nisi Latine respondere vetuit. Erat ei in oblectamentis serpens draco, quern ex con- suetudine manu sua cibaturus cum consumptum a formicis invenisset, monitus est ut vim multitudinis caveret. Re- 20 diens ergo propere Campaniam, Asturae in languorem in- cidit, quo paulum levatus Circeios pertendit. Ac ne quam suspicionem infirmitatis daret, castrensibus ludis non tantum interfuit, sed etiam missuni in barenam aprum iaculis desuper petit ; 26 statimque latere convulso et, ut exaestuarat, afflatus aura in graviorem recidit morbum.
Sustentavit tamen ali- quamdiu, quamvis Misenum usque devectus nihil ex ordine cotidiano praetermitteret, ne convivia quidem aut ceteras voluptates, partim intemperantia partim dissimu- 30 latione. Nam Chariclen medieum, quod, commeatu afu- turus, e convivio egrediens manum sibi osculandi causa 40 C. Kec abstinuit consiietudine quin tunc quoque instans in medio triclinio, astante lictore, singulos valere dicentis 5 appellaret.
Interim cum in actis senatus legisset, diinis- 73 SOS ac ne auditos quidem quosdam reos, de quibus strie- tim et nihil aliud quam nominatos ab indice scripserat, pro contempto se habitum fremens repetere Capreas quo- quo modo destinavit, non temere quicquam nisi ex tuto 10 ausurus. Acerronio Pro- culo, C. Seneca eum scribit, 20 intellecta defectione, exemptum anulum quasi alicui tra- diturum parumper tenuisse, dein rursus aptasse digito, et compressa sinistra manu iacuisse din immobilem ; subito vocatis ministris ac nemine respondente, consurrexisse, nec procul a lectulo deficientibus viribus concidisse.
Et ante paucos quam obiret dies 30 turris Phari terrae motu Capreis concidit. ISTam cum senatus consulto cautum esset ut poena damnatorum in decimum lO semper diem differretur, forte accidit ut quorundam sup- plicii dies is esset, quo nuntiatum de Tiberio erat. Hos implorantis bomiuum fidem, quia absente adhuc Gaio- nemo exstabat qui adiri interpellarique posset, custodes, ne quid adversus constitutum facerent, strangulaverunt 15 abieceruntque in Gemonias.
Crevit igitur invidia, quasi etiam post mortem tyranni saevitia permanente. Corpus ut moYeri a Miseno coepit, conclam antibus plerisque Atel- lam potius deferendum et in ampMtheatro semiustilandimj Eomam per milites deportatum est, crematumque publico 20 fimere. Eo His will testamento beredes aequis partibus reliquit 25 Gaium ex Germanico et Tiberium ex Druso nepotes, sub- stituitqiie in yicem ; dedit et legata plerisque, inter quos virginibus Vestalibus, sed et militibus uniyersis plebei- que Eomanae yiritim, atque etiam separatim yicorum magistris.
Caesaris pater, Drusi et minoris Anto- 1. Consul deinde iteriim creatus ac prius qnam bonorem iniret ad compo- 15 nendiim Orientis statum expiilsiis, cum Armeniae regem devicisset, Cappadociam in provinciae formam redegisset, annum agens aetatis quartum et tricensimum diuturno morbo Antiocbiae obiit, non sine veneni suspicione. ISTain praeter livores, qui toto corpore erant, et spumas, quae 20 per os fiuebant, cremati quoque cor inter ossa incorrup- tum repertum est: Obiit 3 His death. Omnes Germanico corporis animique 5 virtuteSj et quant as nemini cuiquanij conti- gisse satis constat: Eormae minus con- gruebat gracilitas crurum, sed ea quoque paulatim repleta assidua equi vectatioiie post cibum.
Hostem comininus saepe percussit. Oravit causas etiam triumphalis ; atque inter cetera studiorum monimenta reliquit et comoedias 15 Graecas. Domi forisque eivilis, libera ac foederata oppida sine lictoribus aclibat. Sicubi clarorum virorum sepulcra cognosceret, inferias Manibus dabat. Caesorum clade Variana yeteres ac dispersas reliquias uno tumulo huma- turiiSj colligere sua manu et comportare primus adgressus 20 est.
Obtrectatoribus etiam, qualescumque et quanta- cumque de causa nanctus esset, lenis adeo et innoxius, ut Pisoni decreta sua rescindenti, elientelas divexanti, non prius susceiisere in animum induxerit, quam vene- ficiis quoque et devotionibus impugnari se comperisset; 25 ac ne tunc quidem ultra progressus, quam ut amicitiam ei more maiorum renuntiaret mandaretque domesticis 4 ultionem, si quid sibi aecideret. Quarum virtutum fruc- tum uberrimum tulit, sic probatus et dilectus.
His populanty a suis, ut Augustus, omitto enim necessitu- so dines reliquas diu cimctatus an sibi successorem destina- ret, adoptandum Tiberio dederit; sic vulgo fayorabilis, 44 C. Tamen longe maiora et 5 Sorrow at firmiora de eo indicia in morte ae post 10 news of his mortem exstiterunt. Quo defunctus est die, death lapidata sunt templa, subversae deum arae, Lares a quibusdam familiares in publicum abiecti, partus coniugum expositi.
Quin et barbaros ferunt, quibus intestinum quibusque adversus nos bellum esset, velut 15 in domestico communique maerore, consensisse ad indu- tias 5 regulos quosdam barbam posuisse et uxorum capita rasisse ad indicium maximi luctus; regum etiain regem et exercitatione venandi et eonvictu megistanum absti- nuisse, quod apud Parthos iustitii instar est. Eomae 6 20 quidem, cum ad primam famam valetudinis attonita et maesta ci vitas sequentis nuntios opperiretur et repente iam vesperi incertis auctoribus convaluisse tandem per- crebruisset, passim cum luminibus et victimis in Capito- lium concursum est ac paene revolsae templi fores, ne 25 quid gestientis vota reddere moraretur; expergef actus e somno Tiberius gratulantium vocibus atque undique con- ' cinentium: Salm Roma, scdvapatria, salvtis est Germanicus.
Et ut demuin fato functum palam factum est, non solaciis 30 ullis, non edictis inhiberi luctus publicus potuit, duravit- que etiam per festos Decembris mensis dies. Agrippae et luliae filiam, et ex ea no vein liber os tulit: N'ero- nem et Drusum senatus Tiberio criminante bostes iudi- cavit. Caesar natus est pridie Kal. Sept, patre suo et C. Fon- teio Capitone coss. Ubi natus sit, incertum diversitas 15 tradentium facit.
Lentulus Gaetulicus Discussion as Tiburi genitum scribit, Plinius Secundus in to birthplace Treveris, vico Ambitarvio supra Confluentes ; addit etiam pro argumento, aras ibi ostendi inscriptas: Ego in actis Anti editum invenio. Gaetulicum refellit 25 Plinius quasi mentitum per adulationem, ut ad laudes iuvenis gloriosique principis aliquid etiam ex urbe Her- ciili sacra sunieret, abusumque audentius mendacio, quod ante annum fere natus Germanico filius Tiburi fuerat, appellatus et ipse C.
Caesar ; de cuius amabili pueritia 30 irninaturoque obitu supra diximus. Pliniuin arguit ratio 46 C.
Exstat et Augusti epistula, ante paucos quam obiret menses ad Agrippinam neptem ita scripta de Gaio hoc neque enim 10 quisqaam iam alius infans nomine pari tunc supererat: Pueriaii Gaium XP Kcd. Mitto prae- terea cum eo ex servis meis mediciim, quern scripsi Geimia- nico si vellet ut retmeret. Valehis, mea Agrippina, et dabis 15 operam ut valens pervenias ad Germanicum tunm. Abunde parere arbitror, non potuisse ibi nasci Gaium, quo prope bimulus demum perductus ab urbe sit.
Versiculorum quoque fidem eadem liaec elevant et eo facilius, quod ii sine auctore sunt. Sequenda est igitur, quae sola restat 20 publici instramenti auctoritas, praesertim cum Gains An- tium, omnibus semper locis atque secessibus praelatum, non aliter quam natale solum dilexerit tradaturque etiam sedem ac domicilium imperii taedio urbis transferre eo destinasse.
Unde re- versus primum in matris, deinde ea relegata 5 in Liviae Augustae proaviae suae contuber- years and nio mansit ; quani defunctam praetextatus etiain tunc pro rostris laudavit. Transiitque ad Antoniam aviam et undevicensimo aetatis anno, accitus Capreas a Tiberio, uno atque eodem die togam sumpsit barbamque lo posuit, sine ullo honore qualis contigerat tirocinio fra- trum eius. Hie omnibus insidiis temptatus elicientium cogentiumque se ad querelas, nullam umquam occasionem dedit, perinde obliterate suorum easu ac si nihil cuiquam accidisset ; quae vero ipse pateretur, incredibili dissimu- is latione transmittens tantique in aviim et qui iuxta erant obsequii, ut non immerito sit dictum, nec serviim meliorem 11 ulhim, nec deteriorein dominum fiiisse, Haturam tamen saevam atque probrosam ne tunc quidem inhibere poterat, quin et animadversionibus poenisque ad supplicium dato- 20 rum cupidissime interesset, et ganeas atque adulteria capih lamento celatus et veste longa noctibus obiret, ac scaenicas saltandi canendique artes studiosissime appeteret; facile id sane Tiberio patiente, si per has mansuefieri posset ferum eius ingenium.
Quod sagacissinius senex ita prorsus 25 perspexerat, ut aliquotiens praedicaret, exitio suo om- niumque Gaium vivere et se natricem [serpentis id genus] populo Eomano Phaethontem orbi terrarum educare. Non ita multo post luniam Claudillam M. Silani no- 12 bilissimi viri filiam duxit uxorem. Deinde augur in locum 30 fratris sui Drusi destinatus, prius quam inauguraretur ad pontificatum traductus est insigni testimonio pietatis 48 C. Quam quo magis connrmaret, amissa 5 lunia ex partu, Eiiniam ISTaeviam, Macronis uxorem, qui turn praetorianis cohortibus praeerat, sollicitavit ad stup- rum, pollicitus et matrimonium suum, si potitus imperio fuisset ; deque ea re et iure iurando et chirographo cavit.
Neo abliorret a yeritate, cum smt quidam auctores, ipsum postea etsi non de perfecto, at certe de cogitato quondam parricidio professum ; gloriatum enim assidue in commemoranda sua pietate, ad ulciscendam necem matris et fratriim introisse se cam pugione cubiculum 20 Tiberii dormientis, et misericordia correptum abiecto ferro recessissej nec ilium, quamquam sensisset, aut in- quirere quicquam aut exsequi an sum.
Sic imperium adeptus, populum Eomanum yel dicam 13 bominum genus? Itaque ut a Miseno moyit quamvis lugentis babitu et f unus 30 Tiber! Cum deinde paucos post dies in proximas Campaniae insulas traiecisset, Yota pro reditu suscepta sunt, ne mini- mam quidem occasionem quoquam omittente in testiii- 10 canda sollicitudine et cura de incolumitate eiiis. Accessit ad immensum civium amorem 15 notabilis etiam externorum favor. Uamque Artabanus Parthorum rex, odium semper contemptumque Tiberi prae se ferens, amicitiam buius ultro petiit venitque ad colloquium legati eonsularis, et transgressiis Euphraten aquilas et signa Eomana Caesarumque imagines adoravit.
Tiberio cum plurimis lacrimis pro contione laudato funeratoque amplissime, confestim Pandatariam et Pontias ad trans- ferendos matris fratrisque cineres festinavit, tempestate 25 turbida, quo magis pietas emineret, adiitque venerabundus ac per semet in urnas condidit ; nec minore scaena Ostiam, praefixo in biremis puppe vexillo, et inde Eomam Tiberi subvectos, per splendidissimum quemque equestris ordinis medio ac frequent! Post haeo Antoniae aviae, qnidqtdd nmquam Livia Augusta honorum cepisset, uno senatus consulto eongessit; patruum Claudium, equitem 5 Eoinaniim ad id tempus, collegam sibi in consulatu as- sumpsit; fratrem Tiberium die virilis togae adoptavit appellavitque principem iuTentutis ; de sororibus auctor fuit, ut omnibus sacramentis adiceretur: Pari popularitate damnatos relegatosque restitiiit ; cri- minum, si quae residua ex priore tempore manebant, omnium gratiam fecit ; commentarios ad matris fratrum- 16 que suorum causas pertinentis, ne cui postmodum dela- tori aut testi maneret ullus metus, convectos in forum, et ante clare obtestatus deos neque legisse neque attigisse quicquam, coneremavit; libelluin de salute sua oblatum non recepit, contendens, mliil sibi cidmissum cur cuiquam 20 invisus esset, negavitque se delatoribus aures habere.
Spinthrias inonstrosariim libidinum, aegre ne prof undo 16 His reforms mergeret exoratus, urbe submovit.
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Titi La- andbenefac- bieni, Cordi Crerauti, Cassi Severi scripta, tions senatus consultis abolita, requiri et esse in 25 manibus lectitarique permisit, quando maxime sua inter- esset ut facta quaeque jposteris tradantur. Eationes imperii, ab Augusto proponi solitas sed a Tiberio intermissas, publicavit. Magistratibus liberam iuris dictionem et sine sui appellatione concessit. Equites Eomanos severe 30 curioseque, nec sine moderatione, recognovit, palam adempto equo quibus aut probri aliquid aut ignominiae inesset, eorum qui minore culpa tenerentur nominibus LIBEK IV.
Ut levior labor iudican- tibus foretj ad quattuor prioris quintam deciiriam addidit. Temptavit et comitiorum more revocato suffragia populo reddere. Legata ex testamento Tiber! Ducentesi- mam auctionum Italiae remisit ; multis incendiorum damna supplevit ; ac si quibus regna restituit, adiecit et fructum omnem vectigaliorum et reditum medii temp oris, ut Antiocho Commageno sestertium milies confiscatum.
Quas ob res inter reliquos honores decretus est ei clipeus aureus, quern quotannis certo die collegia saeerdotuin in Capi- 15 tolium ferrent, senatu prosequente, nobilibusque pueris ac puellis carmine modulate laiides virtutum eius canen- tibus. Decretiini autem ut dies, quo cepisset imperium, Parilia vocaretur, yelut argumentum rursus conditae urbis. Ex omnibus duos novissimos coniunxit. Tertium autem Luguduni iniit 25 solus, non ut quidam opinantur superbia neglegentiave, sed quod defunctum sub Kalendarum diem collegam rescisse absens non potuerat.
Congiariiim populo bis dedit trecenos sestertios, totiens abundantissimum epu- lum senatui equestrique ordini, etiam coniugibus ac li- so beris utrorumque ; posteriore epulo forensia insuper yiris, feminis ac pueris fascias purpurae ac conchy lii distribuit. ISTeque spec- taculis semper ipse praesedit, sed interdum aut magistratibus aut amicis praesidendi inunus iniunxit.
Scaenicos ludos et assidue et varii generis ae multifariam 10 f ecitj quondam et nocturnes, accensis tota urbe luminibus. Sparsit et missilia variarum rerum, et panaria cum ob- ' sonio viritim diyisit ; qua epulatione equiti Eomano con- tra se hilarius avidiusque vescenti partes suas misit, sed et senatori ob eandem causam codicillos, quibus prae- 15 torem eum extra ordinem designabat.
Edidit et cir- censes pliirimos a mane ad vesperam, interiecta modo Afneanarum venatione modo Troiae decursione, et quos- dam praecipuos, minio et chrysocolla constrato circo, nec iillis nisi ex senatorio ordine aurigantibus. Commisit et 20 subitos, cum e Gelotiana apparatuin circi prospicientem pauci ex proximis Maenianis postulassent. Novum praeterea atque inauditum genus spectaculi ex- 19 cogitavit. Nam Baiarum medium intervalluin ad Puteo- His bridge moles, trium milium et sescentorum 25 from Baiae fere passuum spatium, poiite coniunxit, cen- to Puteoli tractis undique onerariis navibus et ordine duplici ad ancoras conlocatis, superiectoque aggere terreno ac directo in Appiae Yiae formam.
Per hunc pontem ultro citro commeavit biduo continenti, primo 30 die phalerato equo insignisque quercea corona et caetra et gladio aureaque chlamyde, postridie quadrigario habitu curriculoque biiugi famosoriim equorum, prae se ferens LIBER IV. Scio plerosque existimasse, talem a Gaio pontem excogitatnm aemulatione Xerxis, qui non sine adniiratione aliquanto angustiorein Hellespontum contabnlaverit ; alios, ut Ger- 5 nianiam et Britanniani, qnibus imminebat, alicuius iii- mensi opens fania territaret.
Destinaverat et Sami Polycratis regiam resti- tuere, Mileti Didymeum peragere, in iugo Alpium urbem condere, sed ante omnia Tsthmum in Achaia perfodere, miseratque iam ad dimetiendum opus primipilarem. Veruin admonitus, et principum et reguni se excessisse 10 fastigium, divinam ex eo maiestatem asserere sibi coepit ; datoque negotio ut simulacra numinum religione et arte praeelara, inter quae Olympii lovis, apportarentur e Graecia, quibus capite deinpto suum imponeret, partem Palatii ad forum usque promovit, atque aede Castoris et 15 Pollucis in vestibulum transfigurata, consistens saepe inter fratres deos, medium adorandum se adeuntibus exhibebat; et quidam eum Latiarem lovem consaluta- runt.
Templum etiam numini suo proprium et sacer- dotes et excogitatissiinas Iiostias instituit.
In templo 20 simulacrum stabat aureum iconicum, amiciebaturque cotidie veste, quali ipse uteretur. Magisteria sacerdotii ditissimus quisque et ambitione et licitatione maxima vicibus comparabant. Hostiae erant pboenicopteri, pa- vones, tetraones, numidicae meleagndes, phasianae, quae 25 generatim per singulos dies immolarentur. Et noctibus quidem plenam fulgentemque lunam invitabat assidue in amplexus atque concubitum, interdiu vero cum Capi- tolino love secreto fabulabatur, modo insusurrans ac praebens in vicem aurem, modo clarius nec sine iurgiis.
Praedi- 5 cabat autem matrem suam ex ineesto, quod Augustus cum lulia filia admisisset, procreatam ; ac non contentus bac Augusti insectatione, Actiacas duct toward Siculasque victorias, ut funestas populo Eo- relatives mano et calamitosas, vetuit sollemnibus feriis celebrari. Aviae Antoniae 15 secretum petenti denegavit, nisi ut interveniret Macro praefectus, ac per istius modi indignitates et taedia causa exstitit mortis, dato tamen, ut quidam putant, et veueno ; nec defunctae ullum bonorem babuit, prospexitque e tri- clinio ardenteiii rogum.
Pratrem Tiberium inopinantem, 20 repente immisso tribuno militum, interemit ; Silanum item socerum ad necem secandasque novacula fauces compulit: ETam Claudium patruum non nisi in ludibrium reservavit. Antonii ex Selene filia nepos et in primis ipsiini Macronem, ipsam Ennianij adiutores imperii: Quaestorem suum in coniuratione nominatum flagellavit, veste detracta subiectaque militum pedibus, quo firme verberaturi insisterent.
Simili superbia violentiaque ceteros tractavit ordines. Inquietatus fremitu gratuita in circo loca de media nocte 20 occupantium, omnis fustibus abegit ; elisi per eum tumul- tum viginti amplius equites Bomani, totidem matronae, super innumeram turbam ceterain. Saevitiam ingenii per baec maxime ostendit. Alterum, qui se periturum ea de causa voverat, cunctantem pueris tradidit; Yerbenatum infulatumque votum reposcentes per yicos 10 agerent, quoad praecipitaretur ex aggere.
Miiltos bonesti ordiniSj deformatos prius stigmatum notis, ad metalla et munitiones yiarum aut ad bestias condemnavit, aut bes- tiarum more quadripedes cayea coercuit, aut medios serra dissecuit ; iiec omnes grayibus ex causis, yerum male de 15 munere suo opinatos, yel quod numquam per genium suum deierasseiit. Parentes supplicio filiorum interesse cogebat; quorum uni yaletudmem excusanti lecticam m-isit, alium a spectaculo poenae epulis statim adhibuit atque omni comitate ad bilaritatem et iocos proYOcayit. Atellanae poetam ob ambigui ioci versiculum media ampbitbeatri barena igni cremavit.
Equitem Romanum obieetum feris, cum 25 28 se innocentem proclamasset, reduxit, abscisaque lingua rursus induxit. Reyocatum quendam a vetere exsilio sciscitatus, quidnam ibi faeere consuesset, respondente eo per adulationem: Deos semper oraviut, quod evenit, peo'iret Tiberius, et tu imperares, opinans sibi quoque exsules suos 30 mortem imprecari, misit circum insulas, qui uniyersos contrucidarent. Cum discerpi senatorem concupisset, 58 C. Immanissima facta augebat 29 atrocitate verborum. Monenti Antoniae aviae, tamquam parum esset non oboedire: Trucidatiirus fratrem, quern metu venenorum praemuniri medicamentis suspicabatur: Antidotum inquit adversus Caesarem?
Relegatis sorori- bus non solum msulas habere se, sed etiam gladios mina- batur. Decimo quoque die numerum puni- endorum ex custodia subscribens, rationem se purgare 20 dicebat. Gallis Graecisque aliquot uno tempore con- demnatis, gloriabatur, Gallograeciam se subegisse. Non 30 temere in quemquam nisi crebris et minutis ictibus ani- madverti passus est, perpetuo notoque iam praecepto: Ita feri ut se mori sentiatl Punito per errorem nominis alio 25 quam quern destinaverat, ipsum quoque paria meruisse dixit.
Tragicum illud subinde iactabat: Infensus turbae faventi adversus studiiim suum, exclamavit: Utinam paiJulus Royyianus unam cervwem Jiaheret! Cumque Tetrinius latro postularetiiij et qut postulareiit, Tetrinios esse ait. Eetiarii timicati quinque numero gregatim dimicantes sine cer- 5 tamine ullo totidem secutoribus succubuerant ; cum occidi iuberentur, unus resumpta fuscina omnes victores in- teremit: Queri etiam palam de conditioAe temporum suorum solebat, lO quod nullis calamitatibus publicis insignirentur ; August!
Saepe in conspectu prandentis vel comissan- tis seriae quaestiones per tormenta habeban- 20 tur, miles decollandi artifex quibuscumque e custodia capita amputabat. Puteolis dedicatione pontis, quern excogitatum ab eo significavimus, cum multos e litore in- vitasset ad se, repente omnis praecipitavit, quosdam gu- bernacula apprehendentes contis remisque detrusit in 25 mare. Eomae publico epulo servum ob detractam lectis argenteam laminam carnifici confestim tradidit, ut mani- bus abscisis atque ante pectus e collo pendentibus, prae- cedente titulo qui causam poenae indicaret, per coetus epulantium circumduceretur.
Murmillonem e ludo, rudi- 30 bus secum battuentem et sponte prostratum, conf odit f er- rea sica ac more victorum cum palma discucurrit. Quotiens 10 uxoris vel amieulae collum exoscularetur, addebat: Tam bona cervix simid ac iussero demetur. Quin et subinde iactabatj exquisiturwn se vel Jidiculis de Caesonia sua, cut earn tanto opere diligeret. Hec minore livore ac malignitate quam superbia sae- 34 15 vitiaque paene adversus omnis aevi homi- num genus grassatiis est.
Statuas virorum inlustrium, ab Augusto ex Capitolina area propter angustias in campum Martium conlatas, ita sub- vertit atque disiecit ut restitui salvis titulis non potue- 20 rint,vetuitquepostliacviventium cuiquam usquam statuam aut imaginem nisi consulto et auctore se poni. Be iuris quoque eonsultis, quasi sci- entiae eorum omnem usum aboliturus, saepe iactavit, se 30 meliercule effecturum ne quid respondere possint praeter eum.
Vetera familiarum insignia nobilissimo cuique 36 ademit, Torquato torquem, Cincinnato crinem, On. Ptolemaeuinj de quo rettuli, et arcessitum e regno et exceptum honorifice, non alia de causa repente j ercussit, quam quod, edente se miinus, ingressum spectacula convertisse liominum oculos fulgore purpuxeae abollae animadvertit. Pulchros 5 et eomatos, quotiens sibi oceurrerent, occipitio raso detur- i ' pabat. ISTullus denique tarn abiectae condicionis tamque extremae sortis fuit, cuius non commodis obtrectaret.
Kemorensi regi, quod multos iam annos poteretur sacer- 15 dotio, yalidiorein adversarium subornavit. Cum quodam die muneris essedario Porio, ob prosperam pugnam servum suum manumittenti, studiosius plausum esset, ita proripuit se' spectaculis, ut calcata lacinia togae praeceps per gradus iret, indignabundus et clamitans 20 dominum gentmm populum ex re levissima plus honoris gladiatori tribuentem quam consecratis prindpibus aut praesenti sibL 37 dTepotatus sumptibus omnium prodigorum ingenia su- peravit, commentus novum balnearum usum, portento- 25 sissima genera ciborum atque cenarum, ut calidis frigidisque unguentis lavaretur, pre- tiosissima margarita aceto liquefacta sorberet, convivis ex auro panes et obsonia apponeret, aut frugi hominem esse oportere dictitans aut Gaesarem.
Fabricavit et deceris Liburnicas gemmatis puppibus, versicoloribus velis, magna ther- marum et porticimm et triclinioriim laxitate magnaque etiam vitiiim et pomiferarum arborum varietate ; qiiibus 5 discumbens de die inter chores ac sjmphonias litora Campaniae peragraret. Et iactae itaque moles infesto ae profundo marij et excisae rupes 10 dnrissimi silicis, et campi montibus aggere aeqiiati, et complanata fossuris montium inga, incredibili quidem celeritate, enm morae cnlpa capite lueretur.
Ac ne sin- gula enumerem, immensas opes, totumque illud Ti. Cae- saris yicies ac septies milies sestertium non toto vertente 15 anno absnmpsit. Exhaustus igitur atque egens ad rapinas convertit ani- 38 mum, vario et exquisitissimo calumniaruin et auctionum et vectigalium genere.