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Psychoanalyse & Kultur

Summary Paragraphs from a notebook The commerce of violence A forest conversation Local economies to save the land and the people Less energy, more life Caught In the middle On receiving one of the Dayton Peace Prizes On being asked for "a narrative for the future" For the year Farm bill Our deserted country. The planet's environmental problems respect no national boundaries.

From soil erosion and population displacement to climate change and failed energy policies, American governing classes are paid by corporations to pretend that debate is the only democratic necessity and that solutions are capable of withstanding endless delay. Late Capitalism goes about its business of finishing off the planet. And we citizens are left with a shell of what was once proudly described as The American Dream. In this new collection of eleven essays, Berry confronts head-on the necessity of clear thinking and direct action.

Never one to ignore the present challenge, he understands that only clearly stated questions support the understanding their answers require. For more than fifty years we've had no better spokesman and no more eloquent advocate for the planet, for our families, and for the future of our children and ourselves"-- Provided by publisher. Paragraphs from a notebook The commerce of violence A forest conversation Local economies to save the land and the people Less energy, more life Caught In the middle On receiving one of the Dayton Peace Prizes On being asked for "a narrative for the future" For the year Farm bill Our deserted country.

Summary Articles highlight the social conditions of downtrodden people in Tamil Nadu; includes travelogue of the author in Tamil Nadu. Articles highlight the social conditions of downtrodden people in Tamil Nadu; includes travelogue of the author in Tamil Nadu. T3 R Unavailable. Practices of Production 8. The Elements of the Organic Narrative 9.

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These refer to the historically-constituted interpretative frameworks according to which they perceive respectively the Colombian state, and their relationship with their natural and social environments. This study, centered on the Community's socio-economic cacao-farming project, offers an innovative way of approaching victims' organizations and social movements through critical, post-modern politics and anthropology.

It will become essential reading to Latin American ethnographers and historians, and all interested in conflict resolution and transitional justice. A5 B87 Unknown. Z9 M64 Unknown. R3 P64 Unknown. A8 K Unknown. The circulation of anti-austerity protest []. Situating the Circulation of Protest. Conclusion - Regulating the Circuit. Nielsen Book Data In this book a set of theoretical and methodological resources are presented to study the way in which protest, resistance and social movement discourses circulate through society and looks at the role of media and of communication in this process.

Empirically, the focus of this book is on the UK's anti-austerity movement. The mainstream media representations and the reception of the movement discourses and frames by non-activist citizens are also studied.

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It is concluded that studying a movement through the prism of mediation provides a nuanced assessment in terms of failures and successes of the UK's anti-austerity movement. The book is of relevance to students and researchers of politics, social movements, as well as media and communication, but also to activists. Cities and the knowledge economy: The Knowledge Economy 2. Cities as Sites of Intervention 3. Game of Scales 4. Universities as Engines of Growth 5. Knowing the City 6. Excavating Alternatives in the Shadows of the Knowledge Economy 7.

Organising for Participative Futures. Nielsen Book Data Cities and the Knowledge Economy is an in-depth, interdisciplinary, international and comparative examination of the relationship between knowledge and urban development in the contemporary era. Through the lenses of promise, politics and possibility, it examines how the knowledge economy has arisen, how different cities have sought to realise its potential, how universities play a role in its realisation and, overall, what this reveals about the relationship between politics, capitalism, space, place and knowledge in cities.

The book argues that the 21st century city has been predicated on particular circuits of knowledge that constitute expertise as residing in elite and professional epistemic communities. In contrast, alternative conceptions of the knowledge society are founded on assumptions which take analysis, deliberation, democracy and the role of the citizen and communities of practice seriously. The book is aimed at researchers and students from different disciplines - geography, politics, sociology, business studies, economics and planning - with interests in contemporary urbanism and the role of knowledge in understanding development, as well as urban policymakers, politicians and practitioners who are concerned with the future of our cities and seek to create coalitions of different communities oriented towards more just and sustainable futures.

C6 M39 Unknown. B3 G37 Unavailable In transit. Summary Preface Acknowledgements 1. Rebels and Regimes 2. Aung San Suu Kyi 6. Alleviations and Remedies 7. The Big Picture Index. Nielsen Book Data Civilized Rebels compares in depth four very well-known literary and political figures, who all opposed arrogant regimes and became prisoners. Through comparative biographies of Oscar Wilde, Jean Amery, Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi, it explores the long-term process of the retreat of the West from global power since the late nineteenth century, relating this to the decline and fall of the British Empire and the trauma surrounding Brexit.

Drawing on rich empirical materials to examine themes of forced displacement, war, poverty, imprisonment and the threat of humiliation, the book reveals how these highly civilized rebels penetrated their opponents' mind-sets, while also providing a sophisticated analysis of how their struggles fitted into the larger world picture. Methodologically and theoretically innovative, and written in a lively and accessible style, Civilized Rebels will appeal to scholars across a range of disciplines, with interests in globalization, historical international relations, postcolonial and subaltern studies, comparative biographical studies, European studies, the sociology of emotions and historical sociology.

R33 S65 Unknown. Class, politics, and the decline of deference in England, []. Summary In late twentieth-century England, inequality was rocketing, yet some have suggested that the politics of class was declining in significance. This book addresses this claim, showing that class remained important to 'ordinary' people's narratives about social change and their own identities throughout the period , but in changing ways. In late twentieth-century England, inequality was rocketing, yet some have suggested that the politics of class was declining in significance. S6 S88 Unknown.

The class struggle in Latin America: Class Struggle Back on the Agenda 2. Extractivism and the Class Struggle 3. Accumulation by Dispossession and the Resistance 4. Changing Dynamics of the Land Struggle 6. Class Struggle on the Extractive Frontier 7.


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Shifting Dynamics of a Class War 8. The Return of the Class Struggle from Below 9. The Return of Class Struggle from Above In the Eye of the Storm The Return of the Right? Making History Today analyses the political and economic dynamics of development in Latin America through the lens of class struggle. Focusing in particular on Peru, Paraguay, Chile, Colombia, Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela, the book identifies how the shifts and changing dynamics of the class struggle have impacted on the rise, demise and resurgence of neoliberal regimes in Latin America.

This innovative book offers a unique perspective on the evolving dynamics of class struggle, engaging both the destructive forces of capitalist development and those seeking to consolidate the system and preserve the status quo, alongside the efforts of popular resistance concerned with the destructive ravages of capitalism on humankind, society and the global environment. Using theoretical observations based on empirical and historical case studies, this book argues that that the class struggle remains intrinsically linked to the march of capitalist development.

At a time when post neoliberal regimes in Latin America are faltering, this supplementary text provides a guide to the economic and political dynamics of capitalist development in the region which will be invaluable to students and researchers of international development, anthropology and sociology, as well as those with an interest in Latin American politics and development.


  1. When Answers Arent Enough: Experiencing God as Good When Life Isn’t;
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  4. Summary In a long line of protest Knowledge of self A history of one's own Scripted to win For the sake of cultural survival. Collective memories are key to social movements. Activists draw on a shared history to build identity, create movement cohesion, and focus political purpose. But what happens when marginalized communities do not find their history in dominant narratives? How do they create a useable past to bind their political communities together and challenge their exclusion?

    In Clio's Foot Soldiers, Lara Leigh Kelland investigates these questions by examining s and s social movements comprised of historically marginalized peoples: These movements sought ownership over their narratives to create historical knowledge reflective of their particular experiences. To accomplish their goals, activists generated new forms of adult education, published movement newspapers, and pursued campus activism and speeches, public history efforts and community organizations.

    Through alternative means, marginalized communities developed their own historical discourses to mobilize members, define movement goals, and become culturally sovereign. In so doing, they provided a basis for achieving political liberation and changed the landscape of liberal cultural institutions. In a long line of protest Knowledge of self A history of one's own Scripted to win For the sake of cultural survival. C65 Unavailable At bindery Request. Conflict, violent extremism and development: Conflict and Violent Extremism: More Local than Global.

    A Religious Framing of Grievances. Complex, Dynamic, and Divided. Implications for Development, Peacebuilding and Statebuilding. Nielsen Book Data This edited volume examines the implications for international development actors of new kinds of terrorism taking place in civil conflicts.

    The threat from terrorism and violent extremism has never been greater - at least in the global South where the vast majority of violent extremist attacks take place. Some of the most violent extremist groups are also parties to civil conflicts in regions such as the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. But are these groups - especially the violent Islamists which constitute the greatest current threat - qualitatively different from other conflict actors?

    If they are, what are the implications for development practitioners working in war zones and fragile or poverty-afflicted countries? It aims to illuminate the differences between violent Islamists and other types of conflict actor, to identify the challenges these groups pose to development practice, and to propose a way forward for meeting these challenges. V5 G53 Unknown. Contagion and the national body: Overview of the Organism Metaphor 3. Brief Overview of Relevant Alarm Periods 4. Penetration of the Social Body 7. Contamination Through and Decay of the Social Body 8.

    Metaphorical Public Health Responses Conclusion. Nielsen Book Data Drawing on the work of George Lakoff, this book provides a detailed analysis of the organism metaphor, which draws an analogy between the national or social body and a physical body. With attention to the manner in which this metaphor conceives of various sub-groups as either beneficial or detrimental to the social body's overall functioning, the author examines the use of this metaphor to view marginalized sub-populations as invasive or contagious entities that need to be treated in the same way as harmful bacteria or pathogens.

    Analyzing the organism metaphor as it was employed in the service of social injustice through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the United States, Contagion and the National Body focuses on the alarm eras of the restrictive immigration period , the agitation against Chinese and Japanese populations on the West Coast, the eugenic period's targeting of feeble-minded persons and other "defectives, " periods of anti-Semitism, the anti-Communist movements, and various forms of racial animosity against African-Americans.

    M26 O27 Unknown. Contested spaces in contemporary Turkey: The Istanbul CourthouseTugce Ellialt? The Political Economy of a Conservation Plan: Nielsen Book Data The most significant political development of the post-Cold War era was, arguably, the diffusion of neoliberalism across the globe. Yet behind the illusion of abundance and development, the 'rule of the market' can be violent and destructive, exploiting the environment, dismissing cultural or historical conservation and ignoring individual rights. This book now examines the emergence and consequences of neoliberalism in Turkey.

    Of particular importance to the study are the contested spaces - those sites of struggle and protest - where the impact of this economic system is challenged or negotiated. The contributors look beyond the neoliberal cities of the West - Istanbul and Ankara - to take into account the rest of the country and the groups that are most negatively affected: Chapters consider the complexity of neoliberalism in Turkey, where the power of the market, the agenda of the state, and significantly, the country's past, are shown to have shaped current economic practices and policies.

    Contested Spaces in Contemporary Turkey sheds new light on the societal processes that are re-shaping modern Turkey, a subject which is of increasing importance considering Erdogan's new model for an Islam-based state and in the aftermath of the July military coup attempt. It is at the cutting edge of research on urban history and social space and will be a significant resource for scholars of Turkish Studies and Kurdish Studies. A8 C67 Unknown. Contesting cyberspace in China: Pluralism and Cyberpolitics in China 2.

    State Control Over Online Expression 3. To Comply or to Resist? The Intermediaries' Dilemma 4. Playful Netizens in Cyberpolitics 5. Trolling for the Party: State-Sponsored Internet Commentators 6. Online Political Opposition and Its Backlash 7. The "Voluntary Fifty-Cent Army" 8. Nielsen Book Data The Internet was supposed to be an antidote to authoritarianism. It can enable citizens to express themselves freely and organize outside state control.

    Yet while online activity has helped challenge authoritarian rule in some cases, other regimes have endured: In Contesting Cyberspace in China, Rongbin Han offers a powerful counterintuitive explanation for the survival of the world's largest authoritarian regime in the digital age. Han reveals the complex internal dynamics of online expression in China, showing how the state, service providers, and netizens negotiate the limits of discourse.

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    He finds that state censorship has conditioned online expression, yet has failed to bring it under control. However, Han also finds that freer expression may work to the advantage of the regime because its critics are not the only ones empowered: State-sponsored and spontaneous pro-government commenters have turned out to be a major presence on the Chinese internet, denigrating dissenters and barraging oppositional voices.

    Han explores the recruitment, training, and behavior of hired commenters, the "fifty-cent army, " as well as group identity formation among nationalistic Internet posters who see themselves as patriots defending China against online saboteurs. Drawing on a rich set of data collected through interviews, participant observation, and long-term online ethnography, as well as official reports and state directives, Contesting Cyberspace in China interrogates our assumptions about authoritarian resilience and the democratizing power of the Internet.

    Z9 I Unknown. At a time of ever more accelerated and expanded development of natural and agricultural territory, in the aim of making targeted areas more profitable and controllable, there are inhabitants who oppose these projects with a firm, unwavering NO! This is the case in Notre-Dame-des-Landes in western France and in the Italian Susa Valley, where decades-long battles have been mounted against high-speed transport infrastructure, an airport for one, and a highspeed train TAV between Lyon and Turin for the other.

    Each of these struggles embodies, with its own distinct style, original ways of merging life with combat. And they do so to such a degree that they are redesigning today the future of their respective regions and awakening immense hope outside of their own territories. This book recounts these two histories-in-the-making and gives voice to their protagonists.

    It was born of the intuition that these experiences and the hypotheses that emerge from them should circulate at the same time as the slogans and the enthusiasm, to strengthen the will to resist. Epics Peoples Composition Territories To make a movement. Conversando con Fabrizio Barca: B Unavailable In transit. Countering extremism in British schools? A Plot to Islamicise Schools? Lessons from the Trojan Horse Affair. Holmwood, an expert witness in the professional misconduct cases brought against the teachers, and O'Toole, who researches the government's counter-extremism agenda, challenge the accepted narrative and draw on the potential parallel with the Hillsborough disaster to suggest a similar false narrative has taken hold of public debate.

    This important book highlights the major injustice inflicted on the teachers and shows how this affair was used to criticise multiculturalism, and justify the expansion of a broad and intrusive counter extremism agenda. R3 H65 Unknown. Critical issues in asset building in Singapore's development []. Policies being discussed in this volume include multi-culturalism, accessible housing, social mobility for low-income families, water resource management, and national conscription.

    Highly relevant for students, policy makers and the general public interested in socio-political and economic development issues, this unique piece of work not only gives readers a documentary account of what has been undertaken to empower and assist citizens in the last 50 years or so, but also prompts them to reflect on Singapore's future trajectory"-- Provided by publisher. A8 C75 Unavailable On order Request. Kennedy International Airport, In the tradition of Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States, an engaging account of the last half-century of political discontent The history of the United States is a history of oppression and inequality, as well as raucous opposition to the status quo.

    It is a history of slavery and child labor, but also the protest movements that helped end those institutions. Protesters have been the driving force of American democracy, from the expansion of voting rights and the end of segregation laws, to minimum wage standards and marriage equality. In this exceptional new book, Dawson Barrett calls our attention to the posts period, in which US economic, cultural, and political elites turned the tide against the protest movement gains of the previous forty years and reshaped the ability of activists to influence the political process.

    For much of the last half-century, policymakers in both major US political parties have been guided by the "pro-business" tenets of neoliberalism. Dubbed "casino capitalism" by its critics, this economy has ravaged the environment, expanded the for-profit war and prison industries, and built a global assembly line rooted in sweatshop labor, while more than doubling the share of American wealth and income held by the country's richest 1 percent.

    The Defiant explores the major policy shifts of this new Gilded Age through the lens of dissent-through the picket lines, protest marches, and sit-ins that greeted them at every turn. Barrett documents these clashes at neoliberalism's many points of impact, moving from the Arizona wilderness, to Florida tomato fields, to punk rock clubs in New York and California-and beyond.

    He takes readers right up to the present day with an epilogue tracing the Trump administration's strategies and policy proposals, and the myriad protests they have sparked. Capturing a wide range of protest movements in action-from environmentalists' tree-sits to Iraq War peace marches to Occupy Wall Street, BlackLivesMatter, and more-The Defiant is a gripping analysis of the profound struggles of our times. O33 C86 Unknown.

    Kimoukro, un village de planteurs de cacao []. K56 N46 Available. Summary In recent years, the Middle East's information and communications landscape has changed dramatically. Increasingly, states, businesses, and citizens are capitalising on the opportunities offered by new information technologies, the fast pace of digitisation, and enhanced connectivity.

    These changes are far from turning Middle Eastern nations into network societies, but their impact is significant. The growing adoption of a wide variety of information technologies and new media platforms in everyday life has given rise to complex dynamics that beg for a better understanding. Drawing on case studies from throughout the Middle East, the contributors explore how these digital transformations are playing out in the social, cultural, political, and economic spheres, exposing the various disjunctions and discordances that have marked the advent of the digital Middle East.

    In recent years, the Middle East's information and communications landscape has changed dramatically. Z9 P Unknown. Z9 V Unavailable At bindery Request. Focus on the future: Human society is no stranger to catastrophe, but the challenges the world faces today -- a ballooning population, intense global connectivity and the unquenchable thirst of human consumption -- have synergised to make disruptions more frequent, intense and far reaching.

    Despite the complexity of these problems, the response should not be to give up and surrender to these forces, the crash can be avoided. Humanity does possess the scientific, technological and social knowledge to not just survive, but also to emerge from the tumult by being more resilient and sustainable societies.

    The most urgent question, therefore, is how can we act on this knowledge. This book brings together 12 esteemed authors from diverse fields ranging from geology to governance, who have come together to collectively issue a unifying clarion call to action. A8 D57 Unknown. Summary Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 Uprising 31 1. Fix the State or Fix the People 37 2.

    Cultures of Peace, Cultures of Conflict 64 3. Conciliating Conflict in Alto Lima 4. Advocates argue that these programs help residents cope with their interpersonal disputes and economic troubles while avoiding an overburdened legal system and cumbersome state bureaucracies. Ellison shows that ADR programs do more than that-they aim to change the ways Bolivians interact with the state and with global capitalism, making them into self-reliant citizens.

    ADR programs frequently encourage Bolivians to renounce confrontational expressions of discontent, turning away from courtrooms, physical violence, and street protest and coming to the negotiation table. Nevertheless, residents of El Alto find creative ways to take advantage of these micro-level resources while still seeking justice and a democratic system capable of redressing the structural violence and vulnerability that ADR fails to treat. Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 Uprising 31 1.

    E38 E45 Unknown. Dominant elites in Latin America: The Paradox of the Neoliberal Developmentalist State: Larrea and Natalia Greene5. The Limits of Democratization and Social Progress: Clark and Liisa L. The six case study chapters-on Chile, Brazil, Ecuador, Colombia, El Salvador, and Guatemala-variously explore how state policies and even United Nations peace-keeping missions have enhanced elite control of land and agricultural exports, banks and insurance companies, wholesale and import commerce, industrial activities, and alliances with foreign capital.

    Chapters also pay attention to the ways in which violence has been deployed to maintain elite power, and how international forces feed into sustaining historic and contemporary configurations of power. A8 D Unknown. Studien in den USA Protest gegen westliche Komplizenschaft Erfolgreich und verfolgt: Schatten des "Dritten Reichs" Herbert Lewin: Franz Vonessen "Gegen den Strom": Protestanten im "Dritten Reich" "Euthanasie" aus "Mitleid": R3 S36 Unavailable In process.

    Edo jidai seikatsu bunka jiten: Emotion, violence, vengeance, and law in the Middle Ages: Summary Emotion, violence, vengeance, and law in Medieval Historical Sources Hot anger and just indignation: McHaffie Standing up in court: Andersson Feud in the state: West 'Overdeveloped sense of vengeance'? Contributions to this Festschrift for the renowned American legal and literary scholar William Ian Miller reflect the extraordinary intellectual range of the honorand, who is equally at home discussing legal history, Icelandic sagas, English literature, anger and violence, and contemporary popular culture.

    Professor Miller's colleagues and former students, including distinguished academic lawyers, historians, and literary scholars from the United States, Canada, and Europe, break important new ground by bringing little-known sources to a wider audience and by shedding new light on familiar sources through innovative modes of analysis. Contributors are Stuart Airlie, Theodore M.

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    West, and Stephen D. Emotion, violence, vengeance, and law in Medieval Historical Sources Hot anger and just indignation: Summary It is clear that the right is on the rise, but after Brexit, the election of Donald Trump and the spike in popularity of extreme-right parties across Europe, the question on everyone's minds is: An expansive investigation of the ways in which a newly-configured right interconnects with anti-democratic and illiberal forces at the level of the state, Europe's Fault Lines provides much-needed answers, revealing some uncomfortable truths.

    What appear to be "blind spots" about far-right extremism on the part of the state, are shown to constitute collusion-as police, intelligence agencies and the military embark on practices of covert policing that bring them into direct or indirect contact with the far right, in ways that bring to mind the darkest days of Europe's authoritarian past. Old racisms may be structured deep in European thought, but they have been revitalized and spun in new ways: It is clear that the right is on the rise, but after Brexit, the election of Donald Trump and the spike in popularity of extreme-right parties across Europe, the question on everyone's minds is: Z9 R Unknown.

    Everyday adjustments in Havana: Understanding Inequality in Cuba Chapter 1: The Rebirth of Real Estate: Reproducing Class Inequalities in Havana Epilogue: Nielsen Book Data By comparing the current reform process under President Raul Castro to Cuba's opening to market capitalism during the s Special Period crisis, Everyday Adjustments in Havana: Economic Reforms, Mobility, and Emerging Inequalities highlights the differences and continuities between adjustments in both periods and their social impacts.

    It explores the impacts of specific policies such as the expansion of self-employment and the recreation of a private housing market, examining how changes in domestic and international policies after have modified the post-Special Period status quo and contributed to the formation of new social groups that did not previously exist in Cuba's Socialist society. H33 B37 Unknown. Falter Rechtsextremismus an der Macht: Stupidity manifests itself as outraged moralism. Values without empathy are worth nothing. More and more feel, think less and less — Man does not differ from animals by feelings, because mammals have the same feelings , like man, sadness, fear , anger, love , but by his thought.

    When he thinks, if he thinks. Political correctness can be defined as the telling of a lie out of the cowardice in an attempt to avoid upsetting fools not willing to face up to the truth. Antisemitism is when one blames the Jews or Israel for issues, he does not blame others. After the violent termination of Murder by the Allies were the German and have remained so to this day more german than before. The depraved human creature , the more she feels insulted , disrespected , offended in their honor. Islam is less a religion and more a totalitarian society, an ideology that demands absolute obedience and tolerates no dissent, no criticism, and prohibits the thinking, knowledge and recognition.

    True Islam is totally different, the one who will find it will receive a very high reward. Craziness is, when one always does the same but expects a different outcome. A man with roots should go for a pedicure. Self smugness leads to idiocy, being pissed off leads to enlightenment. If someone has something to say, he can tell it always very easily. If someone has nothing to say, he says it in a very complicated way. If the clever people always gave in, the world would be reigned by idiots. If one only fights evil to protect life, one produces nothing good at all and such a life then becomes no longer worth living and thus requires no protection, for it is already unlived due to such a total protection.

    One can spend so much money on insurance, that one has nothing left to insure. Safety works in the same way. Happy slaves are the worst enemies of freedom. Creativity is an intelligence having fun. If working makes you sick, fuck off, leave the work! If Germans talk about morality, they mean money. A man without an insight is just an anxious, aggressive, unhappy monkey.

    Thinking is always trespassing. The mob, who calls himself the people, does not discuss, just defames. Legal is not always legitimate. Who can not do without , lives unhappy. So called social, culture sciences, sociology, psychology psychotherapy, psychoanalysis, are not anymore scientific, but immanent religious cult-prophets, organized as sects. Without a strong opposition any apparent democracy atrophies to a tyranny, and as well a science , to an attitude of a religious sect.

    You can recognize everything from a certain distance only, who is zealous, outraged, who sticks his nose in something, this one has lost the perspective, he recognizes anything more, he has only his imagination of the world in his head. This creates paranoia, which is called religion, and a religion as politics, even as a science. Islamists are a real danger, therefore they will not be seen as such. Jews are not a danger, therefore they are seen as such.

    It is how the perception by cowards functions. People without a sense of humor are able only to fear or to hate and become monks or terrorists. People are not equal, each single person is unique. Insight applies to everyone, including Muslims , Albanians, women and homosexuals.

    Islam belongs to Germany , Judaism belongs to Israel. The totalitarian Terror of consensus is ubiquitous in Germany. There are no discussions anymore, but defamations only. It is a culture of the mob. As it has already been. Harmony is only if you do not communicate. One should never go to bed with someone who has more problems than you already have. One has to be brave, to have a wit. Stupid and dull belong mostly together.

    The more someone narcissistic inflates , the more he feels insulted and provoked. The problem with the Islamists in Europe should be solved exactly as Europe requires to the Middle East: Islamimus is Islam preaching violence. Islam is a religion of love , and he who doubts is dead. Islam is a peaceful religion of love — George Orwell Islam is not responsible for anything, Jews are guilty of everything.

    Islamism is a religion of idiots. If someone inflates endless his ego , as Islamists do, then he hurts his own feelings already in his morning own shit. Heroes of today know nothing, can not and do not want anything. It may be that early fathers ate their children. Today, the mothers will eat anything , fathers , children and the rest. Great, like German charm, German humor and German wit. The resistance starts with its own language other than that of the dictatorship.

    A leftist can, but do not have to be stupid. If you do not blame states , when they commit suicide with millions victims , so why to blame a co- pilot with dead? Only the purity of the means justify the end. Specialization and diversification are a contemporary manifestation of massification and uniformity. The first is called Prince. The second is called the Pope. The third is called the people.

    If you want to lead the people , you are forced to follow the mob. The second duty is still unknown. A German is a person who can speak no lie , without actually believe — Adorno. Argumente, Spitzen — ein paar Zoten. Ein in einem freien Land wundervoll normaler Vorgang. Im Rundfunkrat sitzen Politiker und Kirchenvertreter. Aber was soll zu hart und unfair gewesen sein? BILD schaute sich die Sendung noch einmal an. Plasberg macht sich z. Die Redaktion musste zur Kenntnis nehmen, dass viele Frauen die Sendung offenbar anders empfunden haben, als sie gemeint war. Talkshow-Gast Wolfgang Kubicki fordert jetzt: Verbote von Meinungen kenne ich eigentlich aus dem Geschichtsbuch.

    Kaum ein deutsches Medium scheint sich die Geschichte entgehen lassen zu wollen, niemand will in seinem Beitrag auf den obligatorischen Link auf YouTube verzichten, wo die Sendung vom 2. Deshalb muss die Wirklichkeit zensiert werden. Wollen sie wirklich gleichgestellt werden? Es sieht nicht danach aus. Sie konnten sich nicht einigen. Ich finde, sie sollten es lassen. Es ist blamabel genug! Oder wenn ihnen das lieber ist: Warum konnten sie sich nicht einigen? Das sehe ich ganz anders. Es ist nicht die Aufgabe der Schriftsteller, Gleichstellungspolitik zu betreiben, sondern vielmehr, sich ihr entgegenzustellen.

    Sollte es sie etwa in Zukunft geben? Seit wann gibt es diese Gruppen? Warum gab es sie nicht schon vorher? Damit wird nachhaltig Schaden angerichtet. Einen Nutzen sehe ich nicht. Derjenige, der diese Unterteilung durchsetzen und sprachlich deutlich machen will — bzw. Ich finde es nicht sinnvoll. Ansonsten hatte die Partei kein Programm, keinen gemeinsamen Nenner.

    Er hat sich Fragen gestellt, die wir uns auch stellen sollten: Welche Interessen stehen hinter so einer Gruppenbildung? Wir ahnten es schon. Bei der Gleichstellungspolitik ist das Geschlecht das ausschlaggebende Kriterium. Es kommt jedoch in keiner Statistik vor. Auch bei keiner Quotenregelung. Das kann es auch nicht; denn ein soziales oder kulturelles Geschlecht ist nicht eindeutig feststellbar.

    Damit kann man keine Politik machen. Damit kann man keine Gruppen bilden. Das geht nur mit einem klaren Entweder-oder-Kriterium. Das ist auch nicht weiter schlimm. Solange man so jemanden relativ problemlos meiden und leicht abwimmeln kann, stellt er keine Gefahr dar. Er wird schon merken, wo er Freunde findet und wo nicht. Es geht ihnen um alle. Bei dieser Sorte von Sexisten geht es um Politik. Es geht um einen umfassenden Macht- und Geltungsanspruch. Danach kommt lange nichts. Sexisten haben alle dieselbe Brille, durch die sie die Welt betrachten.

    Es ist doppelt schlimm. Auch ohne schlechten Grund. Sexisten sind so etwas wie die Neuen Herrenmenschen. Frauen sind auch sexistisch. Sie haben damit angefangen. Das ist sie nicht. Es gibt in dieser Sache keine Gleichverteilung. Deshalb konnte es auch keine Entschuldigung oder Richtigstellung geben. Sie hatte fortan Gesetzeskraft. Sie ist total, sie ist gnadenlos, sie kennt keine Ausnahmen: Frau oder Nicht-Frau — das ist die Frage. Es gibt bereits Hochschulen, die Arbeiten von Studenten ablehnen, wenn sie dieser Pflicht nicht nachkommen. Oder sie drohen mit Punktabzug.

    Das steckte also dahinter: Das Ministerium sieht die Welt als Scheibe. Mehr braucht ein Sexist nicht. Denn er sieht erstens bis zehntens sein eigenes — gutes — Geschlecht und sieht unter ferner liefen das — weniger gute — andere. Doch die Sprache ist nicht so einfach wie die Weltsicht der Sexisten. Kriegen wir auch nicht wieder rein. Was einen Sexisten nicht interessiert, gibt es nicht. Das darf er nicht. Warum hat sie ihren kritischen Geist, den sie sicher hat, kurzzeitig ausgeschaltet?

    Da treffen sich Schwestern im Geiste. Sie teilen dieselbe Weltanschauung. Zum Beispiel das wissenschaftliche Arbeiten an einer Hochschule. Die Tutorin hat den Studenten angelogen. Sie hat ihm geschrieben: Wir wissen es nicht.

    Aber eines wissen wir: Das schrieb sie zwar. Doch es stimmt nicht. Der irritierte Student wandte sich an die Rechtsabteilung und erhielt die Auskunft, dass es eine Vorgabe, die so genannte geschlechtergerechte Sprache zu verwenden, nicht gibt. Sie sind an der Macht. Das trifft sich gut. Sie haben Erfolg damit. Auch die Sprache der Politik.

    Nun greifen sie nach der Sprache der Wissenschaft, von der man eigentlich annehmen sollte, dass sie resistent ist. Was werden die Schriftsteller tun? Werden sie klein beigeben? Es war ein Scherz. Warum gilt das als sexistisch? Es ist nicht nur eine Position, die man durchaus vertreten darf, es ist sogar eine, die bei anderer Gelegenheit von Feministen selber vertreten wird. Denn sie sind es, die ernsthaft eine Geschlechter-Apartheid wollen. Menschen sind nicht gleich. Dass man sie nicht gleichstellen kann, ist offensichtlich. Gruppen sind auch nicht gleich und lassen sich genauso wenig gleichstellen.

    Einem Schriftsteller ist das alles fremd. Ihm ist der Sexismus fremd, vor allem aber das gruppenbezogene Denken. Ein sexuelles Erlebnis ist es auch. Darauf kommt es, wenn er sich der Gleichstellung unterwirft, nicht mehr an. Es ist dann nicht mehr so wichtig, ob sein Text gut oder schlecht, wichtiger ist, ob er die weibliche Form beachtet.

    Wer so schreibt, ist kein Schriftsteller mehr. Gruppenbezogenheit ist die Endstation im Lebenslauf eines Schriftstellers, der einst an seine eigene Stimme geglaubt hat. Sexismus ist Gruppensex der besonderen Art: Ein Schriftsteller sollte sein Bekenntnis zu dieser Art von Gruppensex lieber nicht so laut ausposaunen. Wer sich Sexismus auf die Fahne schreibt, dem flattert er wie eine Alkoholfahne voraus. Es ist ein zweitklassiger Text.

    Bei Schriftstellern ist es besonders peinlich. Wenn sie sich Sprachvorgaben, die ihnen fremd sind, unterordnen, sind sie wie Soldaten, die vernichtend geschlagen wurden, die bedingungslos kapituliert haben und nun ihre Waffen abgeben. Mit dem Feind, der sie besiegt hat, meine ich Politiker. All das muss aufgegeben werden. Sie kriegen neues Werkzeug: Die Bedingungen der Kapitulation. Wer sich nach diesen Geboten richten will, kann nicht mehr ernsthaft schreiben.

    Mehr oder weniger in allen. Nun kommt es drauf an, wie wir damit umgehen. Es kommt darauf an, was wir wollen. Dass viele das nicht wollen, wusste schon Augustinus: Stellen wir uns vor: Genauso muss sich ein Redner, der mit seiner Sprache als Gesetzgeber auftreten will, die Frage zulassen, wie er das eigentlich meint, was er sagt. Er muss verraten, ob er die Begriffe weiterhin in dem Sinne, wie ihn die anderen verstehen, verwendet oder ob er versucht, den Worten einen neuen Gehalt unterzuschieben. Er muss sagen, warum er Neologismen verwendet und was sie bedeuten.

    Jedenfalls muss er mit sich reden lassen und seine Wortwahl zur Diskussion stellen und offenlegen, warum er etwas so und nicht anders formuliert. Schriftsteller schreiben nicht nur, sie interpretieren auch. So schwer ist es nicht. In keiner Sprache kann man das so gut wie in der Sprache. Das sollte sich Karl Kraus mal gesagt sein lassen. Hier scheiden sich die Geister. Die Fragen kommen im dritten und im vierten Teil.

    Was will uns der Dichter damit sagen? Oder an Aufgaben wie: Interpretieren Sie diesen Text im Zusammenhang! Es ist keine Hexerei. Jeder, der diesen Text bis hier hin lesen konnte, wird keine Schwierigkeiten haben, er kann gerne mitmachen, er kann gerne zu eigenen Antworten und eigenen Erkenntnissen kommen. Ich habe keine Nachsicht mehr mit Falschspielern und Gaunern. Die feministisch verseuchte Politikersprache hat sich mehr und mehr von der Kultursprache entfernt. Den hat es auch bewirkt. Das gilt auch sonst.

    Alle sollten die Gleichstellungspolitik sprachlich zum Ausdruck bringen. Wie lange werden sie durchhalten? Alles im Namen der Gleichstellungspolitik. Inzwischen gibt es auch Beispiele an Stellen, wo man sie nicht vermutet. Politiker und Schriftsteller sprechen nicht dieselbe Sprache. Das geht nicht lange gut. Das Dilemma offenbart sich bei jeder Pluralbildung.

    Jeder Plural soll ein Geschlecht haben. Damit es geschlechtergerecht behandeln werden kann. Bei so einer Sache macht man mit oder nicht. Es gibt keine Kompromisse. Die feministisch verpestete Sprache der Politiker ist nicht fehlerhaft, sie ist falsch. Sie beruht auf falschen Voraussetzungen. Die Sprache der Gleichstellungspolitik folgt unerbittlich den drei Geboten, die ich weiter oben genannt habe.

    Dazu sagt man entweder Ja oder Nein. Teil 1 finden Sie hier. Es gibt keine geschlechtsneutrale Wirklichkeit! Der Plural hat ein Geschlecht! Stellen wir ihnen Fragen dazu. Es geht nicht nur um einen Blick in die Werkstatt. Es geht um mehr. Das wollen wir sehen: Deutsche Schriftsteller sind ratlos. Liebe Schriftsteller, nun mal ehrlich, unter uns: Es kommt ganz darauf an, was wir zum Ausdruck bringen wollen. Das wollen wir nicht sagen. Frauen waren von Anfang an mit dabei. Das ist nichts Neues. Auf dem Land sagten wir gerne: Es ist ein komplexes Ineinander. Die Gleichstellungspolitik kennt aber nur ein Nebeneinander.

    Die Formulierung evoziert Bilder, die uns eine falsche Vorstellung von der Sache, die bezeichnet werden soll, geben. Wenn wir versuchen, die beiden Seiten in eine Balance zu bringen oder sie gleichzustellen, dann merken wir schnell, dass es nicht geht. Oder nehmen wir ein anderes Bild: Als getrennt nebeneinander stehende Halbkreise, die gleich auseinanderfallen oder so wie in dem Ying-Yang-Symbol?

    Was soll ausgesagt werden? Wie darf der liebe Leser das interpretieren? Das wollen wir auch nicht sagen. Es ist wichtig, den Unterschied zu sehen: Der Plural hat kein Geschlecht. Das ist eben die Frage. Politisch korrekt oder poetisch korrekt? Hier stellt sich die Gretchenfrage des Sprachfeminismus: Gibt es einen Begriff, der beide Geschlechter umfasst oder nicht? Sitzen alle Autoren in einem Boot oder haben sie neuerdings zwei Boote — woher auch immer das zweite Boot gekommen sein soll? Es ist eine Frage, die wir aus der Mengenlehre kennen: Gibt es eine Menge oder zwei?

    Hier erkennen wir den Schaden, den uns der Sprachfeminismus eingebrockt hat und weiterhin einbrocken will: Der Sprachfeminismus, der von Sexisten propagiert wird, besteht jedoch darauf, dass wir bei jeder Gelegenheit auf das Geschlecht hinweisen. Die gibt es nicht. Nun haben wir den Salat. Wir haben sogar zwei Salate.

    Wir haben zwei Gruppen statt einer: Wir sollten sie meiden. Die Innenwelt gegen den Rest der Welt. Die Innen-Form ist eine schlimme Plage. Sie ist eine Kampfansage. In Afghanistan sind jedoch keine weiblichen, deutschen Soldaten gefallen. Dieser Innen-Club hat keine Mitglieder. Albrecht Ritter Mertz von Quirnheim? Habe ich einen vergessen? So wie diese Frauen-Gruppe rund um Graf von Stauffenberg so sind auch andere Innen-Gruppen reine Gespenster-Gruppen, die lediglich im Blubbern der geschlechtergerechten Sprache existieren.

    Fragen wir nach — erste Frage: Auf Dauer entsteht der Eindruck, dass der Plural eben doch ein Geschlecht hat: Alle, die damit bezeichnet werden, sind weiblich. Der Plural hat ein Geschlecht. Sie sind es nicht. Alle anderen Innen-Gruppen, die mir einfallen, sind Luftnummern. Weg mit den Innen!

    Wir brauchen sie nicht. Doppelnennungen sind genauso verzichtbar wie das Binnen-I. Denken wir an Schlampen-Paraden. Doch genau das will er: Es ist schon der Zweck. Nicht etwa der gute, sondern der schlechte Zweck. Das verschafft vielleicht gewissen Frauen eine Art Genugtuung, doch es ist die Genugtuung von Kindern, denen man nie Grenzen gesetzt hat und die sich diebisch freuen, dass sie etwas kaputtgemacht haben. Dabei ging es ihnen nicht darum, was sie ihnen aufgezwungen haben, sondern dass sie es geschafft haben, ihnen etwas aufzuzwingen.

    Ich habe mich ein wenig im Internet umgesehen, da ist es mir aufgefallen: Deshalb ist nie Ruhe in der Kiste. Da ist immer Bewegung. Die Schriftstellerinnen hinken der Entwicklung hinterher. Frauen, die solche Verunstaltungen einfordern, sind feige Tyrannen. Sie sollen in Zukunft keine eigene Art mehr haben.

    34, results in SearchWorks catalog

    Schriftsteller wissen, was sie tun. Dann wollen wir doch mal sehen:. Schriftstellerinnen und Schriftsteller lesen gerne ……………. Ich bin sicher, dass jeder Politiker, jeder Lehrer, jeder Pastor — kurz jeder, der eine geschlechtergerechter Sprache fordert und anderen vorschreiben will, an dieser simplen Aufgabe scheitert.

    Aber ich bleibe dabei. Teil 2 finden Sie hier. Im vierten Teil geht es um die Frage, was Sexisten wirklich wollen. Worauf kommt es an? Warum ist Sarah sauer? Wir sind alle gleich. Du bist so wie ich. Eine Namensgebung gibt bekannt, worauf jemand Wert legt. Worauf legen Schriftsteller besonderen Wert? Doch sie tun es auf eine andere Art als Frauen. Anders sieht es in typischen Frauengruppen aus. In einem Vorstand sind sie so wertvoll wie ein leerer Stuhl.

    Das ist der Unterschied. Sexismus macht den Unterschied. Man sagt, dass ein Bild mehr sagt als tausend Worte. Ich meine, dass tausend Worte etwas anderes sagen als ein einziges Bild. Ich bin immer froh, wenn eine Frau etwas erreicht. Das traf Frau Pierce unvorbereitet, sie stotterte ein wenig. Ob ein Mann oder eine Frau etwas erreicht, spielt doch gar keine Rolle. Warum sollte es eine Rolle spielen? Das ist einfach falsch. Es gibt einfach unterschiedliche Arten von Gehirnen. Geschlecht spielt nur da eine Rolle, wo es um Sex geht.

    Das Wasser ist viel zu tief. Sie sind aber nicht zufrieden. Sie wollen die Trennung. Deshalb wollen Sexisten die Innen-Form. Sie bringt die Trennung. Sie macht aus einer Gruppe zwei. Genau das will der Sexist nicht. Doch wer wollte das? Wir haben bisher nicht so geredet. Dass wir es nicht getan haben, hat ebenfalls einen einfachen Grund: Wir wollten es nicht. Es ging auch so. Wir brauchten so eine Form nicht.

    Wir brauchen sie heute auch nicht. Welche gibt es heute? Wenn man dabei — aber warum eigentlich? Eben das ist die entscheidende Frage! So eine Studie gab es nicht. Deshalb wurden solche Formulierungen nicht gebraucht.